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THE 

CO-OPERATIVE Wholesale 
Societies Limited. 



Annual 



\y 



1915 



"Published by 

THE co-operative WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED, 

I, BALLOON STREET, MANCHESTER; 

and 

THE SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 
LIMITED, 

95. MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW. 




PKINTED AND BOUND 

BY THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED, 

LONGSIGHT, MANCHESTER. 



Preface, 



AT the time of writing most of the European nations are at 
J-\ deadly grips, death and devastation are daily increasing, 
and none can discern the end. Still, we deem it well to 
pubhsh our Annual as usual, for the principles and truths of 
co-operation are steadfast, and to divert the minds of readers from 
the carnage of battlefields to the social problems that still await 
solution is to render a real service. 

The main features of this voluriie are little • altered from those 
of its predecessors, but among our illustrations will be found some 
interesting photographs of estates acquired by the C.W.S. in 
further development of its positions as farmer, landowner, and 
fruit grower. 

In writing of "^Yomen in Industry," Mr. James Haslam 
wisely devotes his efforts to presenting "the living facts as we 
have them before us at this moment." The exploitation of female 
labour, the remarkable increase in the numbers of women and girls 
employed in trades previously monopolised by males, and other 
phases of the subject are presented in a vivid and impressive form. 
The article proves itself an invaluable contribution upon an urgent 
social problem. 

Mr. Money's intention in writing upon "Our National ^Yealth: 
The Conditions of its Continuance" is "to trace in broad outlines 
the circumstances which have made Britain what she is, and to 
show in their true perspective the factors which constitute our 
strength or our weakness." Touching upon the rise of Britain as 
an industrial powej;" due to our great national assets in coal and 
iron, Mr. Money passes on to deal critically with the national 
wealth, its distribution and the comparative failure of production. 
At the close of a live and stimulating article, the author's 
conclusion is thus stated: "Co-operation . . . can eliminate 
all unnecessary costs, and, informed and inspired by scientific 
management, produce the greatest amount of material wealth with 
the least expenditure of labour." 

The views expressed by Mr. H. M. Richardson on Continuation 
Education are no doubt controversial. It is well that opinions 
contrary to the popular conception of the value of such education 
should be heard and considered, and the appeal is made to- 



, Preface. 

co-operators for a new estimate of the aims of knowledge. He 
says: "The nation which first teaches its democracy to think, to 
know itself, its history, its conflicting potentialities, the why and 
wherefore of social disturbances — that nation, in the course of a 
few generations, will be, if not the greatest, the happiest in the 
world. 

Within the compass of twenty-six pages Mr. Pollard contrives 
to give very interesting glimpses of the great civilisations of 
the past, touching upon their rise and decline and their main 
characteristics. The relative positions of the peoples of the various 
nations to their rulers are explained, and parallels and comparisons 
•drawn between the conditions prevailing among these ancient 
peoples and our own time, besides much information as to their 
habits and customs. 

Of the special articles that by Mr. H. Clement Gray, on "The 
Cost of Living," is directly concerned with co-operative theory 
and practice. The many causes of rising prices are discussed, 
among them being currency, increased consumption and wages, 
supply and demand, combines, and others. The question of the 
ability of co-operation to provide an effectual remedy is considered 
from the standpoint of a candid friend. Mr. Gray knows well the 
potentiality of the movement if wisely used, but he is also equally 
well acquainted with the l^indrances besetting the path of progress, 
and thus justifies trenchant criticism. The value of a national 
co-operative society is strongly advocated in the course of the 
article. 

Mr. Porritt in his article on "The Handling and Transportation 
of the Canadian Grain Crop ' ' provides a mass of interesting 
information, chiefly relating to the history of grain elevators. 
The subject does not at first sight seem to promise much attraction 
to the average reader, but the narration of the efforts of the growers 
to avoid exploitation in the various provinces, and the impression 
made by the gigantic figures relating to the grain production, do 
certainly impart elements of real and vital import. 

The final article, written by Mr. J. J. Dunne on "What 
Co-operative Dairying has done for Denmark," affords striking 
evidence of the value of the united action, backed up by scientific 
methods, which has placed Denmark foremost among butter- 
producing countries. 

We trust that this volume of the Anyiual will be found worthy 
to rank with its predecessors. 

THE COMMITTEE. 



List of Maps, Diagrams, Plates, €rc. 

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY. 

PAGE 

Diagram : Comparison of the Sales of Wholesale and Retail Co-operation xiii. 

„ Fifty-one Years' Progress of Co-operation xiv. 

„ Fifty Years' Progress of the Co-operative Wholesale Society 

Limited xvi. 

Map of the World, showing Foreign and Colonial Depdts xviii^ 

Map of the United Kingdom, showing Depots, &c., of the WTiolesale 

Societies xx^ 

Manchester : 

Original Balloon Street Premises 2 

Bird's-eye View of Central Premises 3 

Mitchell Memorial Hall, Boardroom, Offices, &c.. Corporation Street 4 

Balloon Street and Garden Street 7 

Drapery Warehouses, Balloon Street 8 

Original Dantzic Street Premises 10 

Dantzic Street: Woollens, Ready -mades. Mantles, Millinery, 

Carpets, &-c 11 

Traff ord Bacon Factory and Wharf 12 

Grocery Packing Warehouse, TrafTord Park 15 

Broughton Building, Traffic Departments, &c 16 

E. and S. C.W.S. Joint Insurance Department, Corporation Street .. 19 
Newcastle : 

West Blandford Street 20 

Waterloo Street in 1876 21 

Waterloo Street and Thornton Street 23 

Quayside 24 

Stowell Street 27 

Bird's-eye View of Pelaw Works 28 

Pelaw Drug and Drysaltery Works 31 

London : 

Leman Street 32 

Bacon Stoves, &c 35 

Fairclough Street 36 

Bird's-eye View of Silvertown Factories 39 

Silvertown Productive Factory 40 

Bristol Depot, Broad Quay 43 

Cardiff Depot, Bute Terrace 44 

New Depot, Cardiff 47 

Northampton Saleroom, 41, Guildhall Road 48 

Nottingham Saleroom, Friar Lane 51 

Birmingham Saleroom, 16, Pershore Street 52 

Huddersfield Saleroom, 14, Upperhead Row 55- 

Longton (Staffs.) Crockery Depot 66- 

Pontef ract Fellmongering W^orks 59- 

Limerick Depot, Mulgrave Street 60 

V. 



List of Mcq^s, Diagra7ns, Plates, &c. 

PAGE 

Armagh Depot, Dobbin Street 63 

Tralee Egg and Butter Depot, Pembroke Street 64 

Tralee Bacon Factory, Rock Street 67 

Esbjerg (Denmark) Depot 68 

Odense Depo t 71 

Herning Bacon Factory 72 

Sydney Tallow Works 75 

Denia (Spain) Depot, Calle Gayarre 76 

London : Tea Department 79 

Luton Cocoa and Chocolate Works 80 

Crumpsall Biscuits, Cakes, Jellies, and Sweets Works 83 

Preserve, Marmalade, and Peel Works, Middleton Junction 84 

Vinegar Brewery and Pickle and Sauce Factory, Middleton Junction . 87 

Leicester Wheatsheaf Boot and Shoe Works 88 

Leicester (Duns Lane) Boot and Shoe Works 91 

Enderby Boot and Shde Works 92 

Heckmondwike Boot, Shoe, and Currying Works 95 

Rushden Boot and Shoe Works 96 

Leeds Boot and Shoe Works 99 

Irlam Soap, Candle, Glycerine, Lard, and Starch Works 100 

Silvertown (London) Soap Works 103 

Dunston-on-Tyne Soap Works 104 

Batley Woollen Cloth Factory 107 

Leeds Clothing Factory 108 

Broughton (Manchester) Tailoring Factory Ill 

Pelaw Clothing Factory 112 

London Clothing Factory 115 

Leeds Brush and Mat Works 116 

Brislington Butter Factory 119 

Dunston-on-Tyne Flour Mills 120 

Silvertown (London) Flour Mill 123 

Sun Flour and Provender Mills, Trafford Wharf 124 

Star Flour Mill, Oldham 127 

Avonmouth (Bristol) Flour and Provender Mills 128 

Manchester : Broughton Shirt and Cabinet Factories 131 

Pelaw Cabinet Works 132 

Manchester: Broughton Mantle and Underclothing Factories 135 

Desborough Corset Factory 136 

Manchester: Longsight Printing Works 139 

Pelaw Printing Works 140 

Leicester Printing Works 143 

West Hartlepool Lard Refinery, &c 144 

Littleborough Flannel Factory 147 

Manchester Tobacco Factory 148 

Hucknall Huthwaite Hosiery Factory 151 

Bury Weaving Shed 152 

Radcliffe Weaving Shed 155 

Keighley Ironworks 156 

Dudley Bucket and Fender Works 159 

vi. 



List of Maps, Diagrams, Plates, &c. 

PAGE 

Birtley Tinplate Works 160 

Rochdale Paint, Colour, and Varnish Works 163 

S.S. "Fraternity" 164 

S.S. "New Pioneer" ,.. 167 

Roden Convalescent Home 168 

Roden Tomato Houses 171 

Wisbech Fruit Depot, South Brink 172 

Coldham Estate, near Wisbech: Views of the Farms 175 

Harden Estate and Views of the Fruit Farm 176 

Chaigeley Manor and Views of the Estate 179 

Mahavilla Tea Factory 180 

Mahavilla Bungalow 182 

Weliganga Tea Estate , 183 

SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY. 

First Central Premises Owned by the Society 290 

Orocery and Provision Warehouse, Coal and Building Departments' 

Offices, 119, Paisley Road, Glasgow 291 

Registered Office and Furniture Warehouse, 95, Morrison Street, 

Glasgow 292 

Grocery and Provision Warehouse, Links Place, Leith 295 

Orocery and Provision Warehouse, Grange Place, Kilmarnock 296 

Grocery and Provision Warehouse, Seagate, Diindee 299 

Enniskillen Branch: Central Premises 300 

Drapery Warehouse, Dundas Street, Wallace Street, and Paterson 

Street, Glasgow 303 

Drapery Warehouse, Wallace and Paterson Streets, Glasgow. (Another 

view) 304 

Productive Factories, Paterson Street, Glasgow 307 

New Stationery Warehouse, Morrison Street, Glasgow 308 

Furniture and Furnishing Showrooms, Chambers Street, Edinburgh ... 311 

Productive Works, Shieldhall, Govan 312 

New Frontage and Printing Department, Shieldhall 315 

Boot Factory, Shieldhall 316 

Cabinet Factory, Shieldhall 319 

Dining-rooms and Ready-made Clothing Factory, Shieldhall 32 

Chancelot Roller Flour Mills, Edinburgh 323 

Junction Meal and Flour Mills, Leith 324 

Regent Roller Flour Mills, Glasgow 327 

Gram Elevators, Winnipeg, Canada 328 

Ettrick Tweed and Blanket Mills, Selkirk 331 

Soap Works, Grangemouth 332 

Hosiery Factory, Leith 335 

Creamery and Margarine Factory, Bladnoch, Wigtownshire. .., 336 

Fish-Curing Works, Aberdeen 339 

Dress Shirt Factory and Laundry, Potterhill, Paisley 340 

Calderwood Castle and Estate 343 

Diagrams showing Progress of Society since Commencement 345 

vii. 



Index, 



PAGE 

Accidents, Railway 618 

Acts, Public, Passed, 1914 596 

Administrations from December, 1783 623 

Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons, Some. — By Bedford Pollard .. 489 
Articles — 

Cost of Living, The : The Co-operative Movement and Its Mission. — 

By H. Clement Gray 515 

Handling and Transportation of the Canadian Grain Crop, The. — 

By Edward Porritt 545 

Our National Wealth: The Conditions of Its Continuance. — By 

L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P 449 

Problem of Continuation Education, The. — By H. M. Richardson 471 
Some Ancient CiviHsations and their Lessons. — By Bedford 

PoUard 489 

What Co-operative Dairying has done for Denmark. — By J. J. 

Dunne 568 

Women in Industry. — By James Haslam 419 

Bank Holidays 642 

Barometer Instructions 626 

Births, Marriages, and Deaths, Registers of 642 

Calendar for 1915 643 

Calendar, Principal Articles of 641 

Canadian Grain Crop, The Handling and Transportation of the.— 

By Edward Porritt 545 

Congresses, Co-operative .• 398 

Consolidated Stock, Average Price of 602 

Continuation Education, The Problem of. — By H. M. Richardson 471 

Contributions which have appeared in " The Co-operative Wholesale 

Societies' Annual," from 1885 to 1915 644 

Co-operative Congresses 39S 

Co-operative Congresses, International 415 

Co-operative Congresses, Papers read at 401 

Co-operative Progress, 1862 to 1912 (United Kingdom) 585 

Co-operative Societies, Summary of Law relating to 415 

Co-operative Union: Its Principles and Constitution 414 



Co-operative Wholesale Societies- 



English. Scottish. 

Advantages of Membership ... 363 

Annual Return, Abstract of, for Year ended 

December 27th, 1913 224 ... 



Index. 
Co-operative Wholesale Societies {con. 



i 



English. Scottish. 

Artisan Clothing Factory • • • 376 

Auditors, Past 216 ... 

Biscuits, Sweets, &c.. Works, Crumpsall 82,236 ... 

Bonus to Labour • •• 395 

Boot and Shoe Department 228,277 ... 372 

Boot and Shoe Works : 

Leicester 89-90,262 ... 

Heckmondwike 94, 264 ... 

Rushden 97,264 ... 

Sliieldhall •• 317,380 

Brush Factories 117,266 ... 382 

Bucket and Fender Works, Dudley 158,268 ... 

Business Notices, &c ... 288, 361-3 

Business Premises, &c 185-90 ... 284-5 

Cabinet Works : 

Broughton 130,266 ... 

Pelaw 133, 272 ... 

ShieldhaU ... 318,381 

Coal Department 276 . . . 

Committees, Auditors, and Scrutineers 191 ... 286 

Committees, Past Members of 212-4 . . . 

Committee,Membersof,whoDied during Office 215 ... 

Confectionery Works ... 386 

Corset Factory, Desborough 137, 254 

Creameries, Bladnoch and Whithorn ... 337, 392 

Drapery Department ' 9,10,227,277 ... 302-5,371 

Employes in Departments 196-9 . . . 393 

Events in connection with the Wholesale 

Society in 1915, Coming 200 ... 

Events, Record of 201-7 ... 

Fish Curing Works ... 338,391 

Flannel Mills 146, 252 ... 

Flour Mills: 

Dunston 121, 242 ... 

Silvertown 122,244 ... 

Manchester S\m Flour 125,244 ... 

Oldham Star 126,246 ... 

Avonmouth 129, 246 ... 

Chancelot ... 322, 387 

Junction ... 325,388 

Regent ... 326,389 

Furnishing Department 229, 277 ... 293, 310, 373 

Grocery Department 14,226,276 ...294-9,367-70 

Hosiery Factory 150,254 ... 334,378 

Ironworks, Keighley 157,268 

Lard Refinery 145,248 ... 

London Branch 32-37, 233-5, 280-1 ... 



Index. 

PAGE 

Co-operative Wholesale Societies (con.) — ^ ^^~- ■ . 

English. Scottish. 

Mantle Factory 134 ... 377 

Newcastle Branch 21-31, 230-2, 278-9 . . . 

Officers and Departments 1 92-5 . . . 287 

Paint, &c., Works 162,270 ... 

Preserve, &c., Works 85-6,238 ... 385 

Printing Works : 

Longsight 138,250 ... 

Pelaw 141,252 ... 

Leicester 142, 250 ... 

Shieldhall ... 314, 383 

Progress of the Wholesale Societies 21 8-2 1 ... 365-6 

Reserve Fund Account 222 

Scrutineer, Past 216 ... 

Shirt Factories 130,256 ... 341,375 

Soap, Candle, &c.. Works: 

Irlam 101, 238 ... 

Silvertown 102,240 ... 

Dunston 105, 240 ... 

Grangemouth ... 333, 390 

Tailoring Factories : 

Leeds 109,260 ... 

Broughton 110,260 ... 

Pelaw 113, 272 ... 

Shieldhall ... 321, 374 

Telegraphic Addresses 208 ... 

Telephonic Communication 210 ... 

Tinplate Works, Birtley 161,270 ... 

Tobacco Factory 149, 248 

Trade Terms, Conditions of Membership, &c. 

Underclothing Factory 

Union Bank of Scotland, Branches 

Weaving Sheds: 

Bury 153, 

Radcliffe 154, 

Woollen Department 228, 

Woollen Mills, Batley 106,256 ... 

Cost of Living, The: The Co-operative Movement and Its Mission. — 

By H. Clement Gray 515 

Customs Tariff 599 



Death Duties, The 606 

Denmark, What Co-operative Dairying has done for. — By J. J. Dunne 568 

Discount, Average Minimum Rate per Cent, of 603 

Dunne, J. J. — MTiat Co-operative Dairying has done for Denmark 568 

Duties, Customs, in the United Kingdom 599 



248 ... 


384 




362 


134 ... 


379 


... 


364 


258 ... 




258 ... 




277 ... 





Index. 

PAGE 

Eclipses 642 

Education, The Problem of Continuation. — By H. M. Richardson 471 

Expectation of Life 614 

Grain Crop, The Handling and Transportation of the Ccuiadian. — By 

Edward Porritt 545 

Gray, H. Clement. — The Cost of Living: The Co-operative Movement 

and its Mission 515 

Haslam, James. — Women in Industry 419 

Holidays, Bank '. 642 

Income and Expenditure of the United Kingdom, year ending March 

31st, 1914 598 

Income imder Review by Inland Revenue 625 

Intestate, Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons Dying, are 

Distributed 609 

Intestate, Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland of the 

Movable Estate of a Person who has Died 611 

King and Royal Family 622 

Land, Dealings with 604 

Law Relating to Societies, Sunmiary of the 415 

Law Sittings 642 

Life, Expectation of 614 

Meteorological Tables 629-634 

Money, L. G. Chiozza, M.P. — Our National Wealth: The Conditions 

of its Continuance '. 449 

Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. — By 

L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P 449 

Parliaments of the United Kingdom 622 

PoUard, Bedford. — Some Ancient CiviHsations and their Lessons 489 

Population, Total, of the United Kingdom 619 

Porritt, Edward. — The Handling and Transportation of the Canadian 

Grain Crop 545 

Presidents of the L^nited States of America 624 

Price of Two-and-a-Half per Cent. ConsoUdated Stock 602 

k Progress of Co-operation (United Kingdom) 585 

Public Acts Passed, 1914 596 

Railway Accidents 618 

Rainfall, Tabulated Statements of 635 

Registers of Births, Marriages, and Deaths '642 

Richardson, H. M. — The Problem of Continuation Education 471 

xi. 



Illd 



ex. 



PAGE 

Royal Family, The King and 622 

Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons Dying Intestate are 

Distributed 609 

Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland of the Movable 

Estate of a Person who has Died Intestate 611 

Terms and Abbreviations Commonly Used in Business 640 

Tide Table, Liverpool 636 

Tide Table, Goole 638 

Time all over the World 625 

Union, Co-operative, its Principles, and an Account of 414 

United Kingdom, the Public Income and Expenditure, Year ending 

March 31st, 1914 : 598 

United Kingdom, Customs Tariff of the 599 

United Kingdom, Parliaments of the 622 

United Kingdom, Population of the 619 

United States, Presidents of 624 

Wealth, Our National: The Conditions of its Continuance. — By 

L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P 449 

Women in Industry. — By James Haslam 419 

Wrecks, United Kingdom : 620-1 




Comparative Progress of Wholesale and Retail 
Co-operative Societies in the United Kingdom. 

YEARS 6234 5 6 789701 2 34 5 87 89801 2 3 4567899012 345678 9191 2 34 56 789101112 



Mill- 
ions 



KOI* 



90 
85 

80 
75 
70 
65 
60 
55 
50 
45 
40 
35 
30 
25 
20 
15 
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90 
85 

80 
75 
70 
65 
60 
55 
50 
45 
40 
35 
30 
25 
20 



15 
10 
5 



FIFTY-ONE YEARS' PROGRESS OF CO-OPERATIVE 
SOCIETIES IN THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



Sales. 
Years. & 

1862 2,333,523 

1863 2,673,778 

1864 2,836,606 

1865 3,373,847 

1866 4,462,676 

1867 6,001,153 

1868 7,122,360 

1869 7.353,363 

1870 8,201,685 

1871 9,463,771 

1872 13,012,120 

1873 15,639,714 

1874 16,374,053 

1875 18,499,901 

1876 19,921,054 

1877 21,390,447 

1878 21,402,219 

1879 20,382,772 

1880 23,248,314 

1881 24,945,063 

1882 27,541,212 

1883 29,336,028 

1884 30,424,101 

1885 31,305,910 

1886 32,730,745 

1887 34,483,771 

Total Sales in the Fifty-one Years,) 

1862 to 1912 ) 

Profits in the Fifty one) 
Years, 1862 to 1912 J 



Total 



Sales. 

Ykark. a, 

1888 37,793,903 

1889 40,674,673 

1890 43.731,669 

1.891 49,024,171 

1892 51,060,854 

1893 51,803,836 

1894 52,110,800 

1895 55,100,249 

1896 59,951,635 

1897 64,956,049 

1898 68,523,969 

1899 73,533,686 

1900 81,020,428 

1901 85,872,706 

1902 89,772,923 

1903 93,384,799 

1904 96,263,328 

1905 98,002,565 

1906 102,408,120 

1907 111,239,503 

1908 113,090,337 

1909 115,159,630 

1910 118,448,910 

1911 123,526,351 

1912 130,499,145 



£2,441,414,425 
£234,617,537 



STATISTICAL POSITION OF CO-OPERATIVE 
SOCIETIES IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, 

December 31st, 1912. 

Compiled from Uie Returns made by Societies to the Registrar and 
Co-operative Union. 
Number of Members 3,167,682 £ 



Share Capital . 
Loan Capita i 

S3,les for 1912 

Net Profits for 1912 
lVv{»ted to Education, 



1912 



40,822,192 

23,657,247 

130,499,145 

13,372,501 

98,169 



Fifty-one Years' Progress of Co-operative Societies 
in the United Kingdom. 

YEARS 6234 5 6 7 8 9701 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9801 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9901 2 34 6 8 78 9191 2 34 fi6 789101112 



MUI- 
lons 

130 

125 
120 
116 
1110 
105 

too 

95 
90 
85 
80 
75 
70 
65 
60 
55 
50 
45 
40 
35 
30 
25 
20 
15 
10 
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YEARS 62 3456789 7m9aifiR7RQRm9!lififi78Q9ni9345B7891912S456 7 8 9101112 



FIFTY YEARS' PROGRESS OF THE 
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 



Years. 

1864 (w~J 

1865 

1866 ...... 

1867 (w«J 

1868 

1869 

1870 (w^,.) 

1871 

1872 

1873 

1874 

1875 

1876 U.-,J 

1877 

1878 

1879 (we^.s) 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1883 

1884 (we^^eJ 

1885 

1886 

1887 

1888 



Sales. 

£51,857 

120,754 

175,489 

331,744 

412,240 

507,217 

677,734 

758,764 

1,153,132 

1,636,950 

1,964,829 

2,247,395 

2,697,366 

2,827,052 

2,705,625 

2,645,331 

3,339,681 

3,574,095 

4,038,238 

4,546,889 

4,675,371 

4,793,151 

5,223,179 

5,713,235 

6,200,074 



Years. 

1889 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 

1895 

1896 

1897 

1898 

1899 

1900 

1901 

1902 

1903 

1904 

1905 

1906 

1907 

1908 

1909 

1910 

1911 

1912 

1913 



( 68 
VWeeka 



Sales. 

) £7,028,944 

7,429,073 

8,766,430 

9,300,904 

9,526,167 

9,443,938 

(w^J 10,141,917 

11,115,056 

11,920,143 

12,574,748 

14,212,375 

16,043,889 

(wlU 17,642,082 

18,397,559 

19,333,142 

19,809,196 

20,785,469 

22,510,035 

(we^ J 24,786,568 

24,902,842 

25,675,938 

26,567,833 

27,892,990 

) 29,732,154 
31,371,976 



(weeks, 



Total Sales in the Fifty Years,) £}At\t\ orio '^g^ix 
1864 TO 1913 1 ^^^^^3JiTS,l%3\3 

Total Profits in the Fifty Yeabs.) 



1864 to 1913 



£8,455,202 



STATISTICAL POSITION OF THE CO-OPERATIVE 

WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED, 

December 27th, 1913. 

Number of Societies holding Shares 1,168 

Number of Members belonging to Shareholders . . .2,272,496 

Share Capital (Paid up) 

Loans and Deposits 



Reserve Fund — Trade and Bank 

Insurance Fund 

Sales for the Year 1913 

Net Profits for Year 1913 



£ 

2,039,054 

5,082,790 

811,816 

877,479 

31,371,976 

636.119 



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Map of the World, showing 




» JOINT WITH SCOTTISH WHOLESALE SOCIETY 



Foreign and Colonial Depots. 




O JOINT WITH SCOTTISH WHOLESALE SOCIETY 
■ • CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 



Map of the United Kingdom, showing 
Depots, &c., of the Wholesale Societies. 







Business Premises, 



6-c., 
OWNED BY 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE 
SOCIETY LIMITED. 



Central Premises, 



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Original Balloon Street Premises. 

TN 1869 the Co-operative Wholesale Society built the premises 
■*■ shown in the illustration heading this page, in which to carry 
on its fast-growing business. For six years after 1863, when 
the Society's career began, its work was performed in rented 
buildings, but when the trade reached nearly £300,000 per annum 
the Committee felt emboldened to the extent of building the 
Balloon Street property. At that time the only other C.W.S. 
buildings existing were small depots for the pmxhasing of butter 
at Tipperary and Kilmallock, in Ireland. 

In fifty years the business has made rapid strides ; almost 
every year has seen extensions, developments, or new enterprises 
launched, and now all the premises portrayed on the following 
pages are the property of the C.W.S. 

In the second illustration Balloon Street runs up between the 
two main blocks, and the original building is that at the top of 
the street on the right-hand side surmounted by a glass dome. Up 
to the year 1885 this warehouse towered above an environment of 
slum property. At the rear was "Clock Alley," a court lined with 
old cottages, and leading to Corporation Street; little public-houses 
and coal yards, a cotton-waste warehouse and miscellaneous small 
buildings were adjacent. All these have been supplanted by the 
buildings of the C.W.S. In the right-hand block the Bank 




Si 

I 




ni 




CENTRAL PREMISES-con/mae(f. 

occupies a considerable portion of the ground floor; above this 
the grocery saleroom and buyers' offices are situated, and the 
remainder of the premises house part of the Furnishing and the 
Stationery Departments. The furnishing showrooms exhibit 
samples of practically every article that can be included under 
that denomination, from suites for the drawing-room to flat-irons, 
literally too numerous to mention. Societies in the vicinity of 
Manchester are able to send prospective customers to inspect 
the stocks, thus enabling the members of a small village Store 
to gain the same advantages as are enjoyed by city folk. Carpets, 
rugs, plate, and jewellery are all to be found here. The Stationery 
Department supplies Societies with wrapping paper, twine, and 
paper bags, besides all kinds of fancy stationery. Recreation is 
also dealt in, for this department will provide concerts, or organise 
excursions for holiday makers. 

The buildings on the left of Balloon Street are shown on a 
larger scale in the illustration opposite. Here, again, several 
mean and insanitary courts and alleys have been demolished to 
give place to a fine pile facing Corporation Street. At the top 
is the Mitchell Memorial Hall, named after Mr. J. T. ^Y. Mitchell, 
who died in 1895, having been Chairman of the C.W.S. for 
twenty-one years. The Hall is 107ft. long, G7ft. wide, and 33ft. 
in height; it will seat 1,200 persons. The first Quarterly Meeting 
held here was in September, 1907. The floors below the Hall 
are occupied by the Board and Committee Eooms, the Secretary's 
and General Offices, and the basement provides a commodious 
Dining-hall, rendered bright and attractive by dint of many mirrors 
and white enamel paint. 

The Architect's Department is located in this building. A 
large and efficient staff is constantly occupied with work for the 
C.W.S. and retail Societies. 

Nearly 2,500 employes are engaged in earning their daily 
bread at the Central premises. 



Balloon Street and Garden Street* 



/^N either side of this building will be noticed the words 
^^ ''Co-operative Wholesale Society;" these mark the 
limits of the warehouse acquired in 1869. The Grocery 
Department is in possession of the major portion of this 
block. Here are held stocks of all goods coming under 
the head of grocery, in variety too great to enumerate. 
An extensive trade is done in packed goods, and a small 
regiment of damsels is kept busily occupied in filling 
packets of convenient size with rice, tapioca, canary-seed, 
linseed, oatmeal, and self-raising flour; 150 tons of this 
latter commodity is the average weekly output. This 
department will in the course of three or four months be 
removed to the new Packing Warehouse at Trafford Park. 
Situated on the upper floors and basement of the 
building fronting Balloon Street is the Boot and Shoe 
Department. Here one may find 220,000 pairs of 
footgear for men, women, boys, girls, and infants in 
immense variety of patterns, drawn from the factories 
at Leicester, Heckmondwike, Enderby, Pushden, and 
Leeds. 




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Drapery Warehouses, Balloon Street* 



'"pHESE warehouses are at the corner of Balloon Street 
■*• and Federation Street, a thoroughfare created by the 
C.W.S., and a name conferred upon it that has a deep 
significance to all co-operators. 

With the completion of the new warehouse on the 
right-hand side of Federation Street, the C.^Y.S. occupies 
the whole of Balloon Street with buildings erected under 
its own direction. The general effect of the smart 
modern buildings is naturally much enhanced by the 
widening of the street, in itself a great improvement to a 
busy thoroughfare. 

The new premises will add 83,000 square feet of 
accommodation for the drapery departments, and be 
devoted to fancy drapery, the warehouse opposite being 
also for drapery, but the heavier descriptions will be 
dealt vvith here. 

From the topmost floors to the basements they are 
stocked with a huge variety of goods, including everything 
that should find a place in a well-equipped Drapery Store. 

The vagaries of fashion are kept closely in view by 
the buyers in the various departments, and hard indeed to 
satisfy would be the customer whose requirements the 
C.W.S. failed to meet. This remark applies not only to 
the bewildering variety of materials drawn from world- 
wide sources, but also with equal force to the productions 
made in the C.W.S. Factories. There is also the added 
satisfaction in this respect that the C.W.S. goods are 
made under known conditions of healthy surroundings. 



Drapery, &c., Departments, Dantzic Street* 




Original Dantzic Street Premises. 



HTHE C.W.S. entered into the drapery trade in 1873, and 
with such success that a warehouse in Dantzic Street was 
secured in 1875. At this time the business in drapery and 
woollen cloth amounted to £114,000 annually. Additions were 
constantly made to adapt the premises to the growing demands 
until the building reached its present dimensions. It was not 
long, however, before the cry was again raised for more room, 
and the fine drapery w^arehouse in Balloon Street was erected 
and opened in 1904. 

The premises are occupied by the Woollens, Eeady-mades, 
and Shirts Departments. The ready-mades are all from the 
O.W.S. Factories at Broughton or Leeds, and the cloth from 
various sources, amongst others the C.W.S. Batley Mill and the 
Scottish C.W\S. Ettrick Mills. From this department the male 
co-operator can be completely supplied with all the articles 
demanded by necessity or custom. 



10 



Bacon Factory, Trafford Wharf. 



"DACON rolling and smoking was carried on in the Balloon 
■*-^ Street warehouse for many years until the exigencies of space 
made it necessary to find better accommodation. With this end 
in view, a plot of land was secured on the banks of the Ship 
Canal, adjacent to the Sun Mill, and here a factory was built, 
which has now been in use about nine years. 

The Trafford Wharf Factory is not a curing house. So far 
as the C.W.S. is concerned, curing is done at the C.W.S. 
Factories in Tralee (Ireland) and Herning (Denmark). At Tralee 
every week about 1,000 pigs are killed and twice as many sides 
of bacon cured. These are despatched to the C.W.S. at Trafford 
Wharf, London, Bristol, Cardiff, and Newcastle. To meet the 
demand for smoked bacon there are eighteen etoves of the latest 
and best pattern. 

There are about 70 employes engaged mainly in the making 
of rolls, and the weight of bacon and hams dealt with weekly 
varies from 120 tons to 140 tons. 

THE TRANSPORT WAREHOUSE AND WHARF 

has a frontage to the canal of 460 feet, the buildings occupying 
360ft. by 60ft. The premises and site were acquired in July, 
1903, and the warehouse is now well equipped for receiving, 
storing, and despatching the various commodities. Five electric 
cranes lift the goods from the hold of ship or barge to the 
warehouse, and deposit them in railway wagons on the quayside 
or transfer them to lurries. The permanent staff of 23 is 
augmented by casual labour at busy times, as in the dried fruit 
season, until as many as 200 workers may be employed, and these 
deal with an average of 15,000 tons of merchandise yearly. The 
C.W.S. is, we believe, the only firm which possesses its own 
accommodation at the Manchester Docks. 

THE ENGINEERING WORKS 

is another section of the Trafford Park group. It was originally 
a repair shop, but now deals mostly with new work, and modern 
tools have been installed for undertaking general engineering, 
electrical work, and millwrighting in all its branches. The 
Engineers' Department at Balloon Street act as consulting, 
mechanical, electrical, and heating and ventilating engineers for 
complete installations, reports being made on existing work, and 
plans and specifications prepared for repairs or new work. 



13 



Grocery Packing Warehouse, 
Trafford Park^ 

npHIS building occupies a site fronting Trafford Park 
•*• Road, and lying between Sun Mill and the Bacon 
Warehouse. It has railway accommodation directly 
connected with the Ship Canal and Trafford Park 
Eailways. The building is six storeys in height, each floor 
being 217ft. Gin. long by 54ft. 6in. wide. Being a 
detached building, it has the advantage of being well 
lighted by windows all round. There are two fireproof 
-staircases, one at each end of the building, which give 
ample protection to the employes in case of fire, and two 
electric cage hoists and one sack hoist. Each department 
is provided with suitable accommodation for washing, 
&c., and in addition there are men's and women's 
dining-rooms. 

It is expected that these premises will be ready for 
occupation about March or April, when the work will 
be removed from Balloon Street. Among the many 
advantages conferred by the new building will be the 
direct transition by conveyor from the Sun Mill of the 
flour used in making the popular "Federation" self-raising 
flour, 150 tons being the average weekly output. The 
improved facilities will enable us to deal not only more 
expeditiously with goods, but also with greatly increased 
trade, which we are confidently anticipating. 



14 




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f 
















I 



Broughton Building, Traffic 
Departments, &c. 

'T'HE Building Department sprang from the remains of 
■■• the Union Land and Building Society, which failed 
in 1880. The C.W.S., being large mortgagees, took 
over some of the assets, among which were building 
materials, and a department was formed at Balloon 
Street, which was chiefly confined to repair work. The 
first building of any magnitude erected by the department 
was the extension of the original Balloon Street premises. 
Since then its achievements have been numerous, the 
chief of which was the erection of the imposing Central 
Of&ces, &c., shown in the bird's-eye view on another 
page. The department was removed to Broughton in 
January, 1913, and now, in addition to C.W.S. work, it 
contracts in the open market for the work of retail 
Societies. All equipments are to be found at Broughton 
for the making of shop fronts and fittings, and many 
Societies' new premises bear testimony to the artistic 
and substantial quality of the work. All the branches of 
the trade are represented — draughtsmen, clerks, joiners, 
plumbers, masons, &c. — and, with the perfect organisation 
and centralisation of the work, many economies both in 
time and cost are effected. 

The traffic department is an essential adjunct to an 
institution of the magnitude of the C.W.S. Here, 
again, beginnings were very humble, but naturally the 
department has grown with the trade, and has also kept 
abreast w^ith the times, for in addition to the numerous 
horses, drays, &c., a large fleet of motor lurries are housed 
at Broughton, but as yet the Society has not engaged in 
air traction. The department specialises in quick transit 
of perishable goods and direct conveyance of fragile goods 
to save handling in transit. 

The description of the Broughton Factories would be 
incomplete without mention of the spacious dining-room. 
Here accommodation is found for 800 employes, and 
meals can be obtained at a tariff which is suited to the 
pockets of the workers. During the winter months social 
functions are frequently held to promote good fellowship 
among the employes. 



17 



E*&S*C*W»S» Joint Insurance Dept< 

(late CJ.S.), 
Corporation Street, Manchester. 



'T'HE history of the Co-operative Insurance Society 
is a record of honourable and useful work for 
co-operation. The Society was registered in 1867, under 
the Companies Act, and both Societies and individuals 
were admitted to membership. In 1872 business first 
was done through paid agents ; and in 1875 the policy of 
re-insuring risks first was adopted. In 1899, following 
the Industrial and Provident Societies Act of 1893, the 
company was converted into a Co-operative Society, and 
all forms of insurance were undertaken, while branches 
subsequently were opened in Scotland and in England 
north and south. The year 1904 witnessed the 
materialising of the happy idea of collective insurance. 
From 1905 a movement for the unification of co-operative 
insurance had been afoot, and, after several years of 
discussion at conferences and meetings, the business was 
transferred to the joint control of the two Wholesale 
Societies. 

For the first four years the office was at the Eochdale 
Pioneers' store, but 1871 saw its removal to Manchester. 
Various premises were occupied and deserted as the 
demands of business grew, until the final move into its 
present home took place in 1908. 



18 



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Newcastle Branchy 




Newcastle Branch, Waterloo Street, in 1876. 



'T'HE Newcastie-upon-Tyne Branch was established in 
•*■ 1871, or exactly eight years aft^r rhe inception of 
the C.W.S. at Manchester. Business was commenced in 
a small four-roomed warehouse, but, with a rapidity 
characteristic of the institution, the trado outgrew the 
accommodation, and it was thereupon decided to build the 
^Yaterloo Street warehouse, the occupation of which was 
entered into in 1876. That, too, only sufficed for a time, 
and eventually it became necessary to erect the larger 
warehouse in West Blandford Street. 



WEST BLANDFORD STREET. 

The West Blandford Street buildings are devoted to 
the Grocery, Provision, Boot and Shoe, Woollens and 
Eeady-mades, Manchester and Greys, Dress, and Paper 
and Stationery Departments, as well as the General 
Offices, Boardrooms, Meeting Hall, and Dining-room.. 

21 



^ Newcastle Branch — continued. 

In the centre of the main buildings is a spacious 
covered-in yard, where the receiving and despatching of 
all goods is conducted. Further up the street will be 
found the Motor Garage and Stables, and also a building 
where the Saddlery and Leather Bag-making Departments 
are located. 



WATERLOO AND THORNTON STREETS. 

As the name in the illustration implies, the building 
on the left, which stands in Thornton Street, is occupied 
by the Furnishing and Carpets Department, whilst the 
other— the Waterloo Street building — accommodates the 
Millinery and Fancy Drapery, and Jewellery and Fancy 
Hardware Departments. 



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Newcastle-upon-Tyne Quayside 
Warehouse* 

'' I ^HE erection of this building was commenced in 1900 
"*■ and completed in 1902. It originally consisted of 
eight floors, but in 1909 an extension became necessary, 
-and the roof, which had hitherto been flat, was covered 
in. The building is 90ft. wide by 120ft. long, and the 
height from floor to ceiling on each floor is a little over 
lift. It is capable of warehousing between 7,000 and 
■8,000 tons. Being conveniently situated to the river and 
in close proximity to that part of the quay where the 
London, Continental, and other regular lines of steamers 
•discharge their cargoes, it has proved to be a great boon 
to the departments it serves. One of the floors is used 
as a bonded store for the warehousing of dutiable goods, 
and it is, of course, only open during regulation hours. 
There are loading and discharging platforms fronting the 
quayside, and also at the back, which opens out into 
Sandgate. All goods on account of the Grocery, Butter, 
and No. 1 Grain Departments are dealt with by the staff 
there, and machinery has been installed for cleaning 
fruit, grain, &c. 



Green Fruit and Potato Department, 
Stowell Street. 

'T'HESE premises are situated in close proximity to the 
■■• Newcastle fruit and vegetable markets. The building 
was completed in the year 1909, and comprises basement, 
ground. No. 1, and No. 2 floors. In the basement is the 
banana-room, specially constructed for the ripening of 
Canary and Jamaica bananas. On the ground floor the 
work of receiving and despatching is transacted, and 
special facilities are provided in the way of two large 
dockways, enabling four vehicles to be attended to at 
the same time. On the first floor are situated the 
manager's, assistants', and general offices, whilst a 
portion of the flat is also utilised as the saleroom. The 
second floor is principally used for storing goods of a 
keeping quality, such as nuts, figs, &c. 



26 




1 

I 



Pelaw : Bird's-eye View* 

T^HE policy of the C.W.S.— and, indeed, of the 
"*• co-operative movement throughout — is to produce 
for the consumer the necessaries of Ufe at the least 
possible cost consistent with the best possible conditions 
for the workers. 

It is a noticeable fact that the productive works of 
the Wholesale were nearly all centred in and around 
Manchester, until, in pursuit of the policy above referred 
to, it was found that the goods there produced could not 
be supplied to the consumers in the Newcastle district at 
the least possible cost, consequent upon the enormous 
carriage they had to bear. As a remedy the Newcastle 
Branch Committee considered that their duty lay in the 
direction of establishing productive works in their own 
district, so they at once set about to find a suitable place 
wherein to commence operations. In their endeavours to 
do this they had in view the heavy rates, taxes, &c., the 
factories would be called upon to pay if they were 
established in Newcastle, and it was for this reason partly 
that Pelaw was chosen as the venue of productive effort 
by the Newcastle Branch. Another reason which 
animated them in their selection of Pelaw as the ground 
on which their victories should be won was that the land 
could be procured at a very small cost; and, again, the 
sites available were adjacent to the railway, thus saving 
the heavy charges for cartage to and from the station. 

Illustrations of the separate works follow in due 
order, which comprise Drug and Drysaltery Depart- 
ment, Printing Works, Cabinet Factory, Clothmg 
Factory, and Engineering Works. 

There is also a commodious dining-room, which is 
found to be a great convenience, as the greater number 
of the employes come from considerable distances. 



29 



Drug and Drysaltery Works, Pelaw, 



Tp'HIS factory began in 1896 as the packing department of the 

"*• C.W.S. with seven employes. The following impression, 

from the "Wheatsheaf," conveys some idea of its scope to-day : — 

Many visits would not exhaust the interest of these works. 
Standing on its galleries, overlooking the ordered industry below, 
one has curiously the impression that comes when exploring the 
decks or on the bridge of a ship, particularly an ocean liner. 
Perhaps the bridge-like galleries start the fancy. Then there is 
the same cleanliness, the same compactness and economy of 
arrangement, and sufficiency of space for everything, yet no waste 
of an article so valuable. It is the same sense of completeness 
vvhich makes a boat at once the simplest and most perfect example 
of man's skill in adapting means to ends. 

The scheme of the building is a great glass-roofed hall with a 
wide, encircling gallery, which is divided into rooms where all 
the mixing is done. You pass in rapid tour the various ingredients 
being blended for such diverse things as Boot Polish, Metal Polish, 
Emulsion of Cod Liver Oil, Cake Flours, Bronchial Mixture, 
the various household remedies — but the list is endless. In 
galleries forming a St. George's cross above the main area other 
goods are stored in bulk, for at Pelaw grocery sundries are packed 
for the Newcastle district. Here are also tins and bottles stocked 
by the million. And almost automatically this incongruous host 
descends by its own weight to the army of packers below. Patent 
bottling and weighing machines without number expedite the 
work. We have called the packers an army : rather they are 
drill sergeants beneath whose marshalling fingers files of bottles, 
packages, and tins — tall, squat, thin, broad-chested, in uniforms 
infinite in variety — form themselves into companies and battalions. 
And the wonder of it all is like that of a marvellously intricate 
piece of mechanism. 

Efficiency may be inhuman, however. Are all the hundreds 
of workers, one asks, merely cogs in the machine? Pelaw 
visited dispels such an idea. When the "W^heatsheaf " man 
arrived, the manager of the works was engaged. "If you 
are inclined, just wander round where you like; then ask any 
questions you wish in twenty mxinutes, when I'll be at 
liberty," he said. Full use was made of the permission, and the 
simile of machinery gave place to something more human. 
It was a hive of happy industry. Obviously there was no driving. 
Subsequent inquiry proved that the Congress minimum wage scale 
is in force; this means that as much as £3,000 extra per year is 
paid at Pelaw in wages compared with the rates which rule in 
many competing factories. Only the continued and increasing 
loyalty of co-operators can overcome so great a handicap to-day. 

30 




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London : Leman Street. 



'T'HIS fine block of buildings is the headquarters of the 
■'■ London Branch. The older part of the building, 
with the clock tower, was erected in 1887, and the new 
wing for the accommodation of the drapery department 
was opened for business in 1910. The general office, 
boardroom, conference-hall, dining-rooms, and kitchen 
are all in the older building, where also the grocery 
saleroom and buyers' offices are situated. The basement 
serves the purpose of a storeroom for provisions — cheese, 
butter, eggs, lard, &c. — while the upper floors are 
devoted to the grocery and boot and shoe departments, 
access being given both to the new wing and to a still 
older building not shown in the illustration, where 
the furnishing, ironmongery, carpets, and stationery 
departments are situated. 

The latest wing is devoted to the heavy and fancy 
drapery, millinery, and ready-mades departments, the 
basement being used for a joint packing-room. In the 
building is a telephonic exchange, which connects all the 
departments in London, Northampton, Bristol, Cardiff, 
Manchester, Newcastle, and the productive works in 
various parts of the country. 

The building, which is 333 feet in length, is of 
fireproof construction, the floors being built of steel and 
concrete, an automatic fire-extinguishing apparatus being 
mstalled throughout. Besides three stone staircases for 
business purposes, iron stairways provide extra exit in 
case of fire. There are two electric passenger lifts, 
besides numerous lifts for the conveyance of goods. 
Electric light is provided throughout, and the building is 
warmed by low-pressure hot-water pipes. An efficiently- 
drilled fire brigade composed of members of the staff 
affords additional security against fire. 



33 



London: Bacon Stoves, &c» 

/CONSIGNMENTS of green bacon are here received 
^-^ from various pig slaughtering centres. The Enghsh, 
Irish, and Danish meat arrives packed in bales, the 
Canadian in boxes, the C.W.S. supplies to Societies 
being sent out in crates. A large proportion of the meat 
comes from the C.W.S. bacon factory at Herning, 
Denmark ; while supplies are also received from the 
C.W.S. bacon factory at Tralee, Ireland. The green 
bacon is put into the stoves, of which there are nine, with 
a capacity of 2,034 sides. The smoking process takes 
three days, so that there is a nominal capacity of over 
4,000 sides per week. 

Above the bacon stoves is a storeroom for C.W.S. 
brushes from the Leeds factory ; and in connection with 
the London Branch Furnishing Department are 
workrooms for French polishing, upholstering, and the 
manufacture of bedding. The leather and grindery 
department occupies a portion of the building. Here are 
kept large stocks of butts and bends of leather in the 
various tannages suitable for repairing, besides numerous 
requisites for the boot trade, such as nails, rivets, rubber 
heels, laces, socks, and leggings. 



34: 




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London : Fairclough Street, 



npHESE premises occupy a site bounded by Fairclough 
"■• Street, Backchurch Lane, and Boyd Street, which 
has an area of about 4,416 square yards. 

The clearing of this large area has been the means of 
demolishing a large quantity of low-class property, and 
as a consequence improving the sanitary condition of the 
district. 

The buildings occupying the site consist of an 
Empties Department, Joinery Department, stables for 
forty-four horses, with loft over, and men's mess-room, 
Engineers' and Electricians' Department, building 
material storage, laundry and boiler-house, and garage, 
with office and covered yards. 



Silvertown Mill and Factories* 



'T'HIS bird's-eye view is inserted for the purpose of 
-*• showing the relative positions of the Flour Mill, 
Productive Factory, Soap Works, also Employes' Dining- 
rooms. Other plates, which will be found in their places, 
give the separate buildings with a brief account of the 
particular work carried on. 



38 




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Productive Factory, Silvertown. 

■pXTERNALLY the factory has httle attraction. It is just a 
^ huge square building which impresses by bulk alone. First 
it arrests by its size, and then makes its spaciousness seem small 
by comparison with the multitude of articles it manufactures. 
It is a Confectionery Works, and Boiled Sugars, Fondants, and 
Clear Gums are made in forms, colours, and flavours innumerable. 
Should anyone desire to know into how many forms sugar can be 
transmuted in boiled sweets alone, Silvertown can offer a different 
kind for every day this year and still have a choice variety to 
select from on high days and holidays. 

Spice, and particularly Pepper, grinding forms another 
important part of the work. The milling of Mustard is a new 
development which already is so successful that the plant is now 
being doubled. Other products range from Self -Raising Flour to 
Piccalilli, from Cremo Oats to Beef Extract, from Table Jellies to 
Table Salt. Such is the scope of the factory established onlv in 
1904. 

"The work of Silvertown is so varied, and its products are 
so dissimilar," said a writer in the "Wheatsheaf" recently, "that 
to convey a total impression by one word is not easy. If it could 
be done I think the word would be 'specialisation.' Despite all 
diversity this is the abiding idea which the factory leaves in the 
mind. You get it in the sweet department; there may be men 
v/ho know more than its foreman about boiling sugar, but you 
would hesitate to say so. There seems nothing about jellies, 
again, that their maker does not know. You are abashed in the 
laboratory and amazed in the statistical department. Then the 
total effect comes when you stand watching the wooden cases 
being trundled over the loading way. Only that morning some 
of these orders now despatching had been received. But each 
department had been organised to anticipate them. Their 
execution seems as automatic as the flow of water when a bath 
tap is turned. It is specialisation for service, for the service of 
<:o-operators. They are availing themselves of it increasingly, 
and Silvertown to-day promises to be too small to-morrow.'' 



41 



Bristol Depot. 



n^HE architectural style of this building is a free 
■*■ treatment of English Renaissance. Due attention 
has been given to the provision of light and air at every 
portion of the premises, including the basement. It is 
situated in the most central part of the city, the Floating 
Harbour forming the boundary on one side, thus bringing 
water communication direct to the building. An area 
of about 2,231 square yards is occupied, consisting of 
basement and six floors. 

The total height of the building from the street to 
the ridge of the roof is 86 feet; to clock tower top, 130 
feet. The present floor space is about 100,000 square 
feet, ultimately to be increased to 150,000 square feet. 

The building has a commanding entrance from the 
Quay, surmounted by sculptural figures, illustrating two 
of the local industries — mining and agriculture — and is 
fitted with an electrically-driven passenger lift running 
through the well-hole, which gives rapid means of 
access to every floor. Similar hoists communicate direct 
with all the departments, i.e., grocery, drapery, boots, 
furnishing, ready-mades and woollen cloth, and grocery 
sundry packing. 

The internal structure is fire resisting, the columns 
being of iron and the floor of steel girders, filled in with 
cement concrete and covered with pine flooring. 

The power and light is electrical. Heat is by low- 
pressure hot water apparatus, radiators being fixed in the 
various rooms. 

Every precaution has been taken against fire, the 
building being fitted throughout with an installation of 
automatic fire sprinklers of the "Grinnell" pattern. 

A complete system of telephones is installed for 
communication between all departments. 



42 




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Cardiff Depot. 



'T' HE building, which faces Bute Terrace and Mary Ann 
•■• Street, was erected by the Building Department, 
London Branch, from the designs of our architect at 
Balloon Street. It consists of basement, ground, first, 
second, third, and fourth floors. The basement floor is 
7ft. below pavement level, and up to the ground floor is 
12ft. high, the walls being built with ivory-white glazed 
bricks. The ground floor is about 110ft. by 44ft. and 
12ft. high. The walls of this and the other floors are 
matchboarded all round. On the first floor are the 
saleroom, general ofiices, manager's office, and the usual 
lavatory accommodation. Part of the third floor is used 
for departmental showrooms, and the fourth floor is 
occupied by the Drapery Department. The main 
staircase, which runs from the basement to the top floor, 
is surmounted by a tower about 14ft. high, and flagstaff. 
The building is fitted up with electric light, the supply 
being taken from the Corporation mains. The heating 
arrangements are carried out by hot-water pipes and 
radiators situated at convenient points. 



New Depot, Cardiff. 



npHE C.W.S. having acquired the site of the old Town 
■*■ Hall, Police and Fire Brigade Station, and old Post 
Office, is now erecting new premises thereon. 

The new buildings will have a frontage of about 170 
feet to St. Mary Street, and a depth of about 154 feet to 
a proposed new street connecting St. Mary Street and 
Westgate Street. The Westgate Street portion of the site 
will, for the present, remain unoccupied. 

There will be eight floors including basement. 

The principal entrance will be in the centre of the 
elevation to St. Mary Street, and there will be a loading 
entrance from the proposed new street to a large central 
covered loading-yard. 

Accommodation will be provided for the grocery and 
provision department on the basement, ground, and first 
floors — the latter having a large general saleroom for the 
accommodation of retail Societies' buyers. On the 
second, third, and fourth floors the drapery, boot and 
shoe, and furnishing departments will be situated, with 
joint packing and receiving department on the ground 
floor adjoining the central loading-yard. On the fifth 
and sixth floors will be situated an Assembly Hall (73ft. 
long by 53ft. wide), with dining-room in conjunction 
therewith and subsidiary rooms for various purposes. 

Access to all floors will be from an imposing central 
stone staircase, provided with high-speed passenger hoist 
in the well, and in addition there will be a secondary stone 
staircase as an alternative means of exit. For warehouse 
purposes there will be three electric goods hoists running 
in fireproof hoist- wells, so that the safety and convenience 
of all visitors to the building will be amply assured. 

Architecturally the building will have an imposing 
elevation to St. Mary Street, of a free classical type, the 
central feature being surmounted by a clock tower. 

The elevations are intended to be formed in ashlar 
stonework. 



46 



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Northampton Depot. 



THE front part of the larger building was built in 
1897 by the C.W.S.'s own Building Department, 
and afterwards extended to meet the increased trade. It 
is used for the distribution of groceries to the small 
Societies in the district. (Previously two small rooms 
were occupied, which were opened in October, 1890, for 
use as a saleroom only.) There is also a large General 
Office, some of the clerks being engaged wholly in audit 
w^ork in the supervision of Societies' accounts. 

The smaller building is used as a bacon warehouse, 
containing smoke stoves. There is a large trade done 
in Danish sides (smoked and plain), cured in our 
own slaughteries, and smoked on the premises ; also a 
considerable quantity of iVmerican bacon is sold, consisting 
of Cumberland cuts, bellies, hams, also smoked and plain 
rolls. The rolling is done on the premises, and the bacon 
is brought principally direct through our New York house. 

The Depot is situated about 100 yards from the Town 
Hall, and the same distance from the Midland Eailway 
Station, and stands midway between the two points. 

The district covered by the Depot is Northamptonshire 
and Huntingdonshire; also part of Warwickshire, 
Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Oxfordshire, and 
Cambridgeshire. 



4ir 



Nottingham Saleroom. 



T^HIS Saleroom is situated in Friar Lane, a thoroughfare 
■*■ leading from the Market Place to the Castle. It 
will be obvious to the reader from the first glance at the 
illustration that this ecclesiastical-looking building was 
not originally intended for a saleroom. Still, its interior 
provides the C.W.S. with an ideal sale and sample room. 

The building was previously a Congregational Chapel, 
supported mainly by well-to-do people, but these 
gradually migrated to the suburbs, leaving the services 
only meagrely attended. 

The building was offered for sale and was purchased 
by the C.W.S. in 1899. The change necessitated many 
internal alterations; the organ, pulpit, pews, &c., were 
all removed. 

On entering, there is a clear floor space of 4Sft. by 
42ft. The ground floor is occupied by the Grocery and 
Grocery Productive Departments, and a representative 
display of samples is tastefully arranged on counters and 
tables, while handsome showcases are placed throughout. 
What was originally the vestry is now the manager's 
office. 

A wide staircase leads to the gallery which completely 
encircles the room. This is occupied by the Drapery, 
Woollens, Boots, Furnishing, and Crockery Departments. 
The millinery and mantles have a special room on the 
ground floor at the rear of the building. 

For the convenience of Societies in and near 
Nottingham a Furniture Showroom has been opened in 
Wheelergate, adjacent to the Saleroom, and if the volume 
of business should justify such action no doubt further 
developments may be looked for. 



50 




Nottinghaxa Salercx>in : Friar Lane. 



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Birmingham Saleroom : 16, Pershore Street. 



Birmingham Saleroom and Cycle Depot. 

nr' HE handsome block of buildings seen in the illustration 
* was completed in 1910. Previously the premises at 
Birmingham consisted of only the two-storeyed building 
seen on the left-hand side of the illustration, and was used 
solely for saleroom purposes, the ground floor being 
occupied by the Grocerj^ Saleroom, the room above having 
to suffice for all other departments. It had long been 
felt to be an impossibility to make a display in the limited 
room at the disposal of the drapery and allied departments, 
so on the decision of the Committee to form a Cycle Depot 
at Birmingham it was decided to take in the two blocks of 
premises adjacent, which were already in the possession 
of the C.W.S., and erect a building which w^ould give more 
saleroom space, and also could be utilised for a Cycle 
Depot. Operations were coromenced, and resulted in the 
building seen on the opposite page. The premises have 
a fine frontage on Pershore Street, and are well within 
five minutes' walk from New Street Station. The older 
portion of the building is now* used for Grocery Sale and 
Sample Room on the ground floor, and the upper floor is 
the Showroom for the Boots, Furnishing, Hardware, and 
Crockery Departments. In the new buildings the whole 
of the first floor is occupied by the drapery and allied 
departments, and gives plenty of room for a grand display. 
The Cycle Department occupies the basement and upper 
room as warehouses, the ground floor being used for 
offices and showrooms. The Grocery Department and 
Cycle Depot are open for business every day. 



53 



Huddersfield Saleroom^ 



'T'HIS Saleroom was first originated in 1885. Business 
^ was commenced in the boardroom of the Industrial 
Society. A room in Lion Arcade was taken a little later, 
and samples of grocery were first shown; eventually the 
boots and shoes and drapery representatives commenced 
to attend every two months, and another room adjoining 
was taken. After many years of growing business it 
was removed to much larger premises in 1898, at 4, 
Eailway Street, where we occupied three floors — the 
ground floor for office, the first floor for grocery, drapery, 
and boots ; second floor for crockery, mantles, and 
furnishing. The drapery and boots representatives, 
owing to increasing trade, now attended weekly, and 
these premises soon began to show signs of being too 
small for the business. 

In 1904 the Huddersfield Brush Factory was taken 
over, and in 1906 the business was transferred to the 
Leeds Brush Factory. The premises were then 
reconstructed and converted into the present saleroom. 
These premises were open for business in October, 1907, 
and consist of three floors and basement. 

The basement is utilised for washing hams and storing 
empties; on the ground floor are the manager's office and 
warehouse, where a stock of hams, cheese, bacon, 
potatoes, onions, and green fruit are kept. The grocery 
saleroom is also on this flat. The first floor is occupied 
by boots and shoes, ready-mades, furnishing, crockery, 
and brushes; the second floor, which is a well-lighted 
room, being lighted from the roof, is used for drapery, 
mantles, and millinery. 

There is a smokeroom; also an electric hoist and 
electric lights throughout. The trade has increased 
considerably since occupying these premises. 



54 










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Longton Crockery Depot* 

nr'HE pottery trade first engaged the attention of the 
■'■ Wholesale Society in 1886, when the increasing 
business in this class of goods gave rise to the suggestion 
to establish a Depot in the manufacturing district for the 
purpose of collecting and distributing the articles suitable 
for co-operative trade. 

The result of thus aggregating the needs of Societies 
has been very successful, for the business connections 
and extensive dealing of the C.W.S. with the local 
manufacturers enables them to supply small orders with 
much advantage to the retail Society, and large ones on 
same t^rms as makers. 

At the commencement premises were rented, but 
growth of trade justified the erection of a building, and 
in 1889 the new place was occupied. Sufficient land was 
acquired at the same time to admit of future developments, 
and from time to time additions have been made. 

About 1898 the C.W.S. decided to start a decorating 
department and build a kiln, so that Societies could have 
the satisfaction of purchasing an article finished under 
healthy conditions. Now there are three kilns, and nearly 
£1,400 per year is paid in wages to this department. 

Goods sold from Longton are drawn from sources 
where the best conditions of labour prevail, and a large 
quantity are dipped in either low solubility or leadless 
glaze. 



Fellmongering, Fat, and Bones 
Department, Pontefract^ 

'' I ^HE buildings shown on the opposite page are where 
■*■ the C.W.S. conduct their fellmongering business, 
and also their fat and bone business. In the foreground 
is the fellmongering department. 

Fellmongering is that process by which wool is 
separated from the sheep skins. There are several ways 
of doing this, and that employed by us is by applying to 
the flesh side of the skin a mixture of lime and sulphide 
of sodium; the skins are allowed to lie two days with 
this mixture on them; they are then washed, and the 
wool after the treatment leaves the skin (or pelt, as it 
is called in the trade) readily. It has to be pulled off by 
hand, because on every skin there are several qualities 
of wool, and this has to be carefully sorted by hand as it 
is pulled off. The wool is then to be dried, and stored 
for sale in the large building shown on illustration. 

The bone department (which is in the background) 
extracts grease from bones and then grinds the bones 
into bone meal, which is sold for manure. The grease 
is extracted by putting the bones, after being roughly 
broken, into large tanks; the tanks are then sealed, and 
by means of a pipe benzine is run into these tanks. The 
benzine is driven off again by means of steam and 
recovered for future charges ; the bones are then ready for 
grinding. 

All these departments are worked in conjunction with 
the Hide and Skin Department. 



58 



Limerick Depot* 

'TpHIS Depot was established in 1869 for the purchase 
•■■ of butter. It has a frontage in Mulgrave Street of 
20 yards, comprising the ofl&ces, which consist of the 
manager's, general, typists', and shipping office, &c. 
The total staff at present at the Depot is seven. 

The store is divided, one portion being used as a 
butter store, where all butter is received, graded, coopered, 
&c. Another part of the store is occupied by the cold 
storage chambers, the inner chamber being reserved for 
the C.W.S. Societies. The outer chamber is utilised in 
a general way in connection with the butter arriving at 
the Depot during the warm weather, and placed therein 
before being shipped. The capacity of both chambers 
is 250 tons. The dimension of store and chambers 
together is 40 yards by 20 yards. 

All butters received are tested from time to time to 
see that they comply with the standard of moisture, and 
any not so doing are returned to the makers. 

At the rear of the stores is the engine-room, where a 
12-liorse power gas engine is erected, the gas for same 
being supplied by our own gas suction plant. 

Here is also a refrigerating machine (Halls') in 
connection with the cold chamber. A dynamo is also 
erected, and the offices and stores are lighted with our 
own electric light. 



&i 



Armagh Depots 

CITUATED in the midst of the finest agricultural 
^ district in Ireland, it is also the largest egg 
distributing centre in the movement. On the premises 
eighty concrete tanks have been laid down for the purpose 
of preserving eggs in pickle for the winter requirements 
of Societies, the accommodation providing for over 
4,000,000 eggs. 

There are also box-making departments, in which all 
the packages required for butter and eggs are made. 

Large quantities of butter are manufactured at the 
Depot, which is fitted up with refrigerating plant and 
cold stores in connection with the extensive butter trade 
carried on. 

The Depot occupies a unique position for the shipment 
of fruit, the district being the largest fruit-raising centre 
in Ireland. 

It also supplies Societies with large quantities of 
poultry for their Christmas requirements. 

The operations of the Depot extend all over the North 
and West of Ireland, where, in order to secure the large 
quantity of eggs required in the freshest possible state 
from the farmers, over twenty collecting stations have 
been established. 

The premises are very extensive, covering an area of 
25,000 square feet, of which two-thirds are under cover, 
and are lighted with electricity throughout. 



62 



Tralee Egg and Butter Depot. 

T^HE buildings in the foreground of plate comprise 
•■■ ofi&ces and boxmaking departments. At the left are 
the Creamery and Butter Blending Factory. The long 
building at the rear is occupied by power house, fitter's 
shop, &c. The building in the centre of the block contains 
butter cellars and roll room, with timber drying, &c., 
lofts overhead. The vacant space between these two latter 
groups is now mainly occupied by new cold stores and 
suction gas plant recently erected. The larger group of 
buildings at right of illustration comprises cooperage at 
rear, store lofts in centre, and egg pickling department. 
There is also land available for purposes of extension, 
&c., at the rear of the buildings shown of at least equal 
area to that already built on. ^lost of the erections are 
fairly recent, as the property was purchased in 1896. 
The original Depot opened in 1874, now exclusively used 
for the purchase and packing of eggs, is at the other side 
of Pembroke Street fronting the premises illustrated, and 
is not shown in plate. In the background of illustration 
the position- of Tralee Bacon Factory is indicated, and 
the boundaries of both premises are practically contiguous. 



65 



Tralee Bacon Factory^ 

'T'HIS factory, which is about two minutes' walk from 
■*■ the railway station, is mainly constructed of local 
sandstone, and in design is practically a one-storeyed 
building. 

It was originally equipped to handle about 500 pigs 
weekly, but, as this quantity proved totally inadequate to 
supply the requirements of Societies, who were quick to 
recognise the excellence of the Wheatsheaf brand of 
Tralee bacon, lard, and sausages, some slight structural 
alterations had to be made in the year 19U7, and 1,000 
pigs weekly can now be dealt with by the various 
departments. 

The pigs, which are mostly procured in the Kerry 
district, are driven in batches into the sticking-pen. They 
are there shackled by one of the hind legs, hoisted on to 
a running bar, and killed. They are next plunged into 
the scalding tank, and pass on from that to the scuttling 
table, where most of the hair is removed, the balance 
disappearing during the short time they are exposed to 
the extreme heat of the singeing furnace. They next get 
a cold bath, and are again raised to the running bars, 
where they are scraped quite clean, disembowelled, 
weighed, removed to chill-room, and finally to the 
curing-cellars, where they remain for about twelve days. 
They next reach the packing department, and are shipped 
from there in four, five, and six-side bales to suit the 
requirements of the various districts. 

The lard, sausage meat, &c., are all dealt with in 
their respective departments, and from this, and the 
short foregoing description of . the factory, the careful 
reader will observe that the ** squeal" is the only item 
which, up to the time of going to press, has not proved 
of marketable value. 




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Esbjerg Butter Depot. 



nr'HE land is freehold, and covers a total area of 2,500 
■*■ square yards. Situated in a twenty years' old garden 
stands the house occupied by the manager, adjacent to cool 
butter cellars of about 100 square yards. 

In conjunction with these cellars, on the right side of 
the yard is the principal butter warehouse — two large 
working-rooms of about 450 square yards, connected with 
three large storing-rooms of 225 square yards, all fitted 
with very effective cold air refriger:\tion pi ant and 
facilities for handling the butter properly. Through 
these cellars about 3,000 casks of Danish butter pass 
weekly. 

Opposite to the cellars stands the office building, 
containing three light and spacious office-rooms, in which 
the clerks are employed. On this side is also the motor 
garage. 

^Yith electric power and light all over the 
establishment, and well paved and otherwise kept in good 
order, and with flowers and trees espaliered along the 
railings and the whitewashed walls, the establishment is 
a model specimen and an attractive advertisement for 
the C.W.S. in Denmark. 



Odense Depot* 



T^HIS Depot for butter, eggs, and bacon conirnenced 
■*■ business on June 26th, 1898. The butter warehouse 
is built at the harbour on leasehold land belonging to 
the Odense Town Council, and covers an area of 800 
square yards. 

A railway siding, connected with the main line, runs 
along in close proximity to the western side of the 
building, giving the best facilities for the receiving and 
despatching of goods by rail. The east side of the 
building faces the quay, and the berth of the steamers 
to Great Britain is exactly opposite and only a few yards 
distant from the warehouse. 

" The premises in every way satisfy modern 
requirements, the butter cellars being equipped with 
refrigerating plant, and the offices with hot-water 
heating installation, with electric light over the whole 
building. 

The whole arrangement is ideal, and a further 
testimony to the endeavours of the C.W.S. to supply 
co-operators with articles made and distributed under 
the most perfect conditions. 



70 




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Herning Bacon Factory^ 

'Hr'HIS factory, built on freehold land, was purchased 
■■• in 1900, and business commenced immediately after 
reconstruction and additions to the buildings were 
completed. In 1912 the premises were enlarged and 
the machinery renewed, so that the factory now appears 
as a modern, practical, and hygienic establishment. 

The front building on the right comprises the 
manager's and clerks' offices. On the left of this building 
is the main entrance, w^here the farmers drive in with 
their hogs, afterw^ards making their exit at the gate on 
the right. The building on the left of the entrance 
contains the weighing-room for live hogs, and sties 
or piggeries, while further on is the sticking-pen. 
Continuing and turning to the right is the slaughter-house, 
containing scalding-tank, singeing-stove, destruction- 
room, and other accessories. In the same building, but 
on the right, is the sausage-room, smoking stove, and 
lard melting-room. 

Close behind the large shaft are the engine-room, 
boiler-house, and refrigerating machinery; the condenser 
belonging to the latter can be seen on the top of the roof. 

The very large building consists of a well-ventilated 
-chilling-room, also used for cutting-up, baling, and 
packing. In the same building are the offal delivery-room 
and storeroom for lard, &c. 

Adjoining the large building on the left are the cooling- 
room and curing cellar. 

On the right will be seen a fence which runs along 
the passage where the pigs are unloaded from the railway 
trucks, the railway line running close alongside, thus 
giving easy access for loading and unloading goods. 



78 



Sydney Tallow Works* 

nr'HESE works, for the production of tallow for use 
■*■ in our various soap works, are erected on a suitable 
and excellent site in Sydney, the position having been 
specially selected as being particularly adapted to the 
receiving of the raw material- and despatch of the- 
manufactured product. They were specially designed and 
built for this particular m.anufacture, all the machinery 
being of the latest and up-to-date description. 



74 




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Fruit Packing Depot, Denia^ 

'T'HIS substantially-built warehouse is the C.W.S. 
•^ Depot for the packing and exportation of Spanish 
produce. Denia is situated about seventy miles south of 
Valencia on the Mediterranean coast, and is the principal 
port of shipment of Valencia raisins. Co-operators' 
requirements of the latter commodity having greatly 
increased in recent years, the old rented property was 
found inadequate, and it became necessary to make other 
provision for carrying on the business efficiently. Land 
was bought in a central position near to rail and quay, and 
a large handsome building erected, 75 yards by 45 yards. 
This is looked upon by the natives as doing credit to the 
town, and without doubt is second to none in that part 
of Spain. 

The interior is light and airy, and, with ample sanitary 
accommodation on the very best hygienic principles, the 
C.W.S. is keeping up its reputation for looking after the 
interest of its workers. No one arriving in Denia can 
fail to notice the words "Co-operative Wholesale Society 
Ltd.," as the warehouse abuts on a square adjacent to 
the station. 

The walls are of thick rubble, and the columns, 
girders, and roof principals of iron. The bottom floor, 
which is used for making up, is tiled, and the upper 
storey, which serves as the picking department, is 
concreted. 

During the excavations much blasting had to be done, 
remains of old Moorish foundations being discovered — 
probably those of buildings connected with the ancient 
castle or convent close by. 

In the season upwards of 800 persons are employed 
in picking, packing, and shipping co-operators' 
requirements. 



77 



London : Tea Department* 

'' I ''HE Tea, Coffee, and Cocoa Departments are worked 
"*■ as a joint business by the English and Scottish 
^A'llolesale Societies. The premises are immediately 
opposite those of the C.W.S. in Leman Street, and are 
also conveniently near the bonded warehouses. It was in 
1882 that the two great federations decided to join in the 
supplying of tea. The first warehouse was a small one, 
close to Leman Street — how small may be guessed by the 
fact that it employed only four warehousemen and half 
a dozen boys. By the end of 1885, however, the business 
was so important that when a disastrous fire occurred 
on December 30th it was sufficient to cause a loss of 
£35,000. No further calamity marred the steady growth 
of the business in the succeeding years. In 1897 the 
present large premises in Leman Street were opened, but 
within a short time it was found that much more space 
would be required, and extensions have recently been 
completed that will afford much greater facilities for the 
business. The factory is splendidly equipped with 
numerous labour-saving appliances, and the most 
up-to-date weighing and packing machinery is installed, 
which arouses wonder and admiration from everyone who 
is privileged to see it. The latest figures published at 
the time of writing give the total annual sales of tea to 
be 29,000,0001bs. 






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Luton Cocoa and Chocolate Works, 



TN September, 1902, this new industry was established 
^ in Luton by the opening of a factory by the Joint 
Committee of the Enghsh and Scottish Wholesale 
Societies. The manufacture of cocoa and chocolate, 
however, had been carried on by the two Societies in 
connection with the Tea Department at Leman Street, 
London, since November, 1887. Thus at the time it was 
taken from Whitechapel into the country the business was 
in its fifteenth year. The reasons of removal will be 
easily understood. On one hand, in London, a congested 
district with high rates and high values generally ; on the 
other, at the edge of Luton, open country, a dry, chalk 
subsoil, and economies all round. Hence the present 
factory at Luton. 

The building stands nearly 400 feet above the sea level, 
and commands a view of the greater part of the town and 
the Chilteru Hills beyond. It is of two storeys, with a 
basement cut in the chalk. At the back runs the Great 
Northern branch line from the main line at Hatfield to 
Dunstable. 

Here one finds all the essentials for a pure food 
product in a light, spacious factory, equipped with the 
best machinery for making a range of cocoas equal to 
any other make, British or foreign. 

All the girls, and there are a great number, are attired 
in scrupulously clean dresses and caps provided by the 
C.W.S. Considerable extensions have been made, but 
there is still room for additional buildings when the 
loyalty of co-operators to their own cocoas shall warrant 
their erection. 



81 



Biscuits, Cakes, Jellies, and Sweets Works, 
Crumpsall, Manchester^ 

'T'HESE works enjoy the distinction of being the first productive 
■■• enterprise of the C.W.S. The works had been the property 
of private manufacturers, but were purchased by the Wholesale 
Society in January, 1873. 

It was proposed to produce biscuits, sweets, jam, soap, and 
tobacco, but the latter commodity had to wait for many years. 
The total value of the productions for the vear ending October, 
1874, was £12,632, with a profit of £252. Not twenty employes 
were then occupied, and for the sake of comparison we note that 
in 1913 the output reached £200,000, with profits £16,000 and 
employes 600. 

Scarcely a corner remains of the original buildings ; additional 
ground has been purchased from time to time and covered with 
substantial buildings, spacious and airy, in every respect 
constituting a model factory. 

At the present time the works are manufacturing biscuits, 
sweets, cakes, and jellies. Jam and soap have demanded separate 
premises for several years. In the course of time certain 
departments have been transferred to other centres, as for instance 
drugs and sundries. 

About 250 varieties of biscuits are made at Crumpsall, and 
fresh designs and flavours are constantly being introduced. It is 
almost needless to say that scrupulous care is exercised in the 
selection of ingredients, in the manufacture, and in every process 
mvolved. The girls are provided with overalls and caps. 

In the cake bakery fifteen large ovens are occupied in turning 
out huge quantities of toothsome cakes, from the plain cake to 
bridecakes of highest quality. 

Boiled sweets have a department to themselves. Here, again, 
a visitor would be convinced of the purity of Crumpsall products. 
He would see kegs of pure butter, cans of new milk, gallons of 
cream, bags of cane sugar, essences of flavour harmless and of the 
best quality. 

Crumpsall is second to none in the social welfare of the 
employes. Besides the bowling green, croquet lawn, tennis courts, 
cricket and football grounds, there are a harriers' club, swimming 
clubs, physical culture classes, and also tents pitched in a beautiful 
part of Derbyshire for week-end camping. 

Last, but not least, we have at Crumpsall the only biscuit 
factory in England working an eight-hour day. 




I 



L 







Middleton Junction Preserve Works* 

HTHE C.W.S. first began to make jams and marmalade 
■*■ at Crumpsall Works in 1888. The department 
succeeded so well that it was formed into a separate 
branch of manufacture, and was housed in the factory 
which the C.W.S. built on ground acquired at Middleton 
Junction. In June, 1896, with the fruit season of that 
year in view, work was commenced, and some 3,000 tons 
of jam were made in the first twelve months. Several 
extensions have been added, and in 1909 the removal of 
the pickle and sauce department to the adjacent vinegar 
brewery secured the whole of the original building to 
the manufacture of jams and marmalade, mincemeat, and 
peel. There is also a good trade in tinned fruits and 
potted fish and meats. At the present time the yearly 
output of jams and marmalade exceeds 10,000 tons. The 
permanent staff here consists of 600 employes, but this 
is increased during the season by four or five hundred 
workers engaged in picking and sorting fruit. 

The works are admirably placed for dealing 
expeditiously with the traffic, being close to the main line 
of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway, to which there 
is direct communication by sidings. In July and August 
it is no uncommon event for two or three train loads of 
twenty wagons each to arrive at the works. Considerable 
quantities of the fruit come from the C.W.S. fruit farms 
at Roden and Harden and their Depot at Wisbech. 

The marmalade trade consumes five or six hundred 
tons of Seville oranges, which are bought direct by the 
C.W.S. 

In the other departments of the factory, i.e., those 
devoted to the production of candied peel, mincemeat, 
tinned fruit, and potted meat, there is the same careful 
supervision of detail that ensures the purity and excellence 
of the comestibles sold by the C.W.S. 



Vinegar Brewery and Pickle Factory, 
Middleton Junction* 

"CXTEEMES met in the C.W.S. Jam Works at 
■"^ Middleton Junction for many years, as both preserves 
and pickles were there manufactured. When, however, 
the Committee decided to erect a vinegar brewery, it was 
obvious that pickles would properly form an adjunct 
thereto. The brewery is of the very latest type, and 
contains a complete equipment of plant of the most 
approved type for the production of a high-class vinegar. 
The provision made for storage is convincing proof that 
the brewery will prove equal to the demand for some years 
to come. 



86 




¥:#?' ' 



'411 




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^ 



Wheatsheaf Boot and Shoe Works, Leicester* 



/^O-OPERATORS should be proud to own this, the largest shoe 
^ factory in the United Kingdom. The C.W.S. commenced 
the manufacture of boots and shoes in 1873, when they purchased 
a small factory in Duns Lane, Leicester, but this was soon found 
to be too small, and extensions were made in 1876 and again in 
1884. 

On November 4th, 1891, the Wheatsheaf works were opened. 
Covering something like two acres of ground, the building, viewed 
from the Midland Railway main line, presents a striking appearance, 
and is by far the largest in the kingdom. A glance at the illustration 
will show the general plan of construction, the principal feature 
of which is the main room occupying the centre of the building, 
roofed with iron and glass, the actual area of which is 6,600 
square yards . 

In every department may be seen the most ingenious and 
modern machines invented for the boot and shoe trade, and the 
management is constantly on the alert for any improvement in 
this direction that can possibly add to the efficiency of the works. 
How extensively machinery enters into boot production may be 
gathered from the fact that there is not a department into which 
it has not been introduced. As a hint to co-operators who do 
not insist on getting Wheatsheaf boots or shoes, it may be 
mentioned that the factory is capable of turning out 50,000 pairs 
weekly, instead of 35,000, which quantity represents the present 
normal average demand. 

The following figures speak for themselves : — 

Pairs. Value. 

Supplies, 1874 — ... ^629,456 

June, 1913, to June, 1914 1,742,966 ... £445,453 

Paid in Wages, 1874 £9,678 

June, 1913, to June, 1914 £122,244 

The total profit reahsed up to and inclusive of June, 1914, was 
£181,077, and the sum devoted to interest and depreciation 
£231,428. The whole cost of the machinery — as well as the 
building — has been "wiped out" by depreciation. 

The output for June, 1913, to June, 1914, as shown above, 
heats all records, the pairs sent out for the half year ended June 
last being 1,045,237. Never before has it reached the million. 

The factory is devoted to the manufacture of all kinds of 
footwear — men's, women's, boys', girls', and nurseries — for all 
•co-operators. 

In April, 1913, a Closing Factory was estabhshed at 
Wellingborough in order to do, under our own control, closing 
previously given out to be done, and in conjunction with the same 
we have commenced the manufacture of leggings and gaiters, 
so that we are now in a position to supply co-operators with our 
own productions, and trust this department will receive full 
support. 



Leicester (Duns Lane) Boot and Shoe 
Works* 

npHIS is the factory in which the C.W.S. commenced 
■'" its shoe manufacturing in 1873. The present factors- 
is very different from the original one, which was 
purchased and opened in 1873, because in the extensions 
in 1876 and 1884 the original building was entirely 
demolished. The present building is triangular in shape, 
with one of the long sides of the triangle fronting Duns 
Lane, and one side to the river Soar. 

The factory is lit by electricity and driven by motors, 
thus making it in every way a modern factory. 



90 









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Enderby Boot and Shoe Works. 

pNDEKBY is some four and a half miles from 
■"^ Leicester, and rather less across country from the 
Wheatsheaf Works. The route is across the green vale 
of the Soar, past the pretty Aylestone Church, where 
Dorothy Vernon was married after the famous elopement 
from Haddon Hall, in Derbyshire, and thence up gently- 
sloping ground to the large, but clean and quiet, village 
of Enderby. There are thatched cottages and a thirteenth- 
century church, recently restored, and at least one little 
street of red-brick houses, wherein is the C.W.S. factory. 

In the appearance of the building outside there is 
nothing remarkable, and inside one finds the most modern 
plant for boot and shoe manufacture. 

It is considered the best fitted-up factory outside the 
town, and is driven with suction gas engines and 
dynamos generating electricity for lighting and for the 
motors which drive the machinery, all being now driven 
by motors. The factory is devoted to the manufacture 
of women's and girls' strong boots. 



93 



I 



Heckmondwike Boot, Shoe, and 
Currying Works* 

TN the West Eiding of Yorkshire, in the heart of the 
•*■ industrial area of broad acres, hes the small factory 
centre of Heckmondwike, and here is situated the 
substantial structure above named. The factory is in two 
portions, the older— acquired in 1880 — forming one-half 
of a square, and the newer — erected in 1896 — making a 
square within the angle of the old. 

Currying, first began by the C.W.S. in 1887, is done 
in the older portion. Before being exported the hides are 
sun dried, shorn of hair, purified, softened, and partially 
tanned. On reaching the Heckmondwike Works the hides 
undergo a long series of operations — trimming, soaking, 
softening, shaving, splitting, tanning, scouring, graining, 
&c., &c.^all performed with characteristic thoroughness. 

The newer building is devoted to boot making, heavy 
work being the speciality. Without pursuing our 
"leather hunting" through the various processes in 
which fifty different machines perform as many different 
operations, a visit to the sample showroom reveals a 
remarkable collection of footwear. Newcastle colliers, 
Welsh miners, farmers, policemen, carters, quarrymen, 
and navvies are all catered for, and the lighter but none 
the less wear-resisting boots for healthy and restless 
school children are turned out. 

Some 400 persons are normally employed, and these 
enjoy, in addition to the trade union standard of hours, 
rates of pay that are slightly above those paid in the 
district. 



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Rushden Boot and Shoe Works* 



TVTORTHAMPTONSHIRE.' The mention of the 
•*-^ word immediately brings to one's mind boot 
manufacture. The county town and district have a 
world-wide reputation for the production of gents' high- 
class boots. Eushden — fifteen miles from Northampton 
— ^has developed into a very important centre for the 
production of footwear. 

Up to the year 1900 we had been drawing supplies 
from this district to such an extent that it was 
thought advisable to purchase a factory and commence 
manufacturing our own goods. This was done in March 
of that year, the venture proving a success by the flow 
of trade to the works. Buildings and extensions have 
taken place until we have these large and extensive 
premises, each of the two floors containing some 600 to 
700 square yards. A large and well fitted up stockroom 
has been added so that a supply of boots may be kept in 
stock ready for despatch, thus obviating, as far as 
possible, any inconvenience to Societies who require 
urgent dehveries. 

Each department is replete with the most modern 
machinery, including a large plant for the production of 
welted goods, which trade has grown very rapidly, and 
the Societies can now get supplies of every description 
in medium and high-class gents' and boys' footwear. 



97 



Leeds Boot and Shoe Works* 



nr'HE continued and ever increasing demand for 
^ Heckmondwike goods rendered it imperative for the 
Directors to provide additional producing accommodation. 
It was impossible to extend the works at Heckmondwike 
for various reasons, and Leeds was chosen as the most 
likely for two reasons, viz., its commercial importance 
and its abundant supply of trained labour. 

The Buslingthorpe district of the city of Leeds has 
long been noted for its leather and tanning industries, 
and the Directors secured a suitable site in the heart of 
this district, within one mile of the railwa}^ stations. The 
selected site was formerly known as the Sheepscar United 
Leather Workers' Cricket Ground, familiar to all liCeds 
people as the former property of Lord Allerton. 

It is on two main tramway routes (Meanwood Eoad 
cars pass the factory), and is immediately adjoining two 
fine blocks of buildings, the Council Schools and the 
Public Baths. 

As will be observed from the illustration, there is the 
minimum amount of brickwork and the maximum area of 
glass, while inside it contains four large well-lighted and 
commodious rooms fully equipped with the latest and 
most modern boot-making machinery. 

The building has been constructed on the most 
hygienic principles, and every provision is made for the 
comfort and welfare of the employes. Thus it may be 
claimed, without exaggeration, that this Leeds Factory 
is the most up-to-date building of its kind in the country. 

In the centre of the plot is the power-house, 
containing plant, &c., for the production of necessary 
energy for all lighting and motor-driving purposes. 

It is estimated that there is sufficient factory 
accommodation to produce 4,000 pairs of boots weekly, 
and, if the demand justifies, there is ample space for any 
iuecessarv extension. 



98 



Soap, Candle, Glycerine, Lard, and 
Starch Works, Irlam* 

'np HE group of factories at Irlani have not come together 
■*• in any haphazard way, but because of certain features 
whicli distinguish them from most of the other G.W.S. 
productive enterprises. Here the soap, candle, starch, 
and lard factories are distinctly branches of chemical 
industry, in which the highest degree of specialised 
knowledge is required. 

Thirty-nine years ago the C.W.S. bought a small 
factory at Durham, originally occupied by candle factors, 
and began to make soap. Progress was slow owing to 
prejudice on the part of Societies. For thg first complete 
year of working, 1875, the sales were only £8,900, and 
in ten years after this amount was not even doubled. 

The construction of the Manchester Ship Canal 
afforded a unique opportunity for the erection of a soap 
factory upon its banks, and the C.W.S. acquired thirteen 
acres of land at Irlam, eight miles from Manchester, and 
started erecting the works which were opened in October, 
1895. A lay-by or quay was also constructed, thus 
enabling vessels to bring their cargoes direct to the doors 
of the factory. 

Every kind of soap is made at Irlam, for domestic 
and toilet purposes, disinfectant soaps, polishing soaps, 
and all under the constant supervision of practical 
chemists. 

The increased space available at Irlam offered 
sufficient accommodation for the additional manufacture 
of candles, starch, and lard refining, all of which 
products enjoy a constantly growing popularity among the 
constituent Societies. 



101 



Soap Works, Silvertown* 

TT is to the soap combine of 1906 that the co-operative 
world owes the existence of the Silvertown and Dunston 
works. Successful at that period in meeting demands 
which increased from 250 tons to 750 tons per week, the 
Co-operative Wholesale Society is now equipped for much 
larger demands than have hitherto been made. Though 
after the breaking of the combine the demand — owing to 
the short-lived public memory — fell considerably, we 
were able to report that the total trade for the half year 
ended June, 1912, averaged 660 tons per week. Since 
then labour troubles and increased prices of soap have 
again opened the eyes of co-operators to the fact that it 
is through their own sources that the surest and cheapest 
supplies are to be obtained. This recognition has 
resulted in the satisfactory fact that for the half year 
ended June, 1914, the total output of the soap works has 
averaged 900 tons per week, whilst Silvertown portion of 
this amount has been 177 tons per week. It is to be 
hoped that co-operators will soon fully recognise that it 
is to their benefit to utihse their works to the utmost. 

Standing on the Thames side, and with direct 
facilities to the Great Eastern Eailway, these works offer 
every advantage for the expeditious handling of both raw 
material and finished soap. The works are constructed on 
the most scientific lines, all machinery being driven by 
electricity, whilst all workrooms are light and airy. 



102 



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Soap Works, Dunston< 



/^RIGINALLY it was intended to build the Newcastle 
^^ District soap works on a larger stretch of ground at 
Pelaw, but eventually it became necessary to fall back 
upon the Dunston site. At Dunston, however, 
considerably less than an acre of land was available. The 
river, a road, and a railway, the C.\V.S.'s own flour mill, 
and a ferry pier formed on all sides irremovable 
boundaries; but, in the end, a works has resulted which 
is extremely compact, and yet is light and roomy and 
pleasing within and without. 

The basement of the works — a kind of m.odern crypt 
under the frame-room — is level with the wharf. On the 
latter is an electric crane for hoisting out barrels of tallow 
or other materials coming by water. Liquids, such as 
tallow, after being melted in the basement, or the caustic 
solution, are pumped up from below to the pan-room (on 
the highest floor of the works), to which solid materials 
are taken by lifts. From there the materials descend in 
the course of manufacture to the ground floor, level with 
the trucks that run on a railway siding into the 
loading-way. It will be seen from this that neither time, 
space, nor power is wasted. 



105 



Batley Woollen Mill. 



npHE Batley Woollen Mill was originally owned by 
a Workers' Productive Society, which commenced 
business in 1871, but after twelve years' adventures in 
the troublous realms of commercial enterprise, the results, 
achieved not encouraging further effort, the concern went 
voluntarily into liquidation, and the C.W.S., being large 
mortgagees, acquired the property. In 1886 the Society 
began to manufacture woollen goods on its own account. 
Early financial results were not promising, but in 1890 
the mill was placed under its present management, and 
since that time good progress has been made, many 
extensions having been added to meet the increasing trade,, 
which last year amounted to over £60,000. 

The co-operative demand is of a complex character, 
and naturally the policy of the management is to meet 
to the full extent their responsibilities to the organised 
consumers; therefore the production ranges from the- 
highest to the lower grades of cloth. Of the former it 
is claimed that the quality is equal to any manufactured 
in Yorkshire or elsewhere. A speciality is blue serge, 
but the better class fancy tweeds are also woven, and 
compare favourably with any on the market. Of the- 
lower grades it must be stated that they wear well and 
are of excellent finish, and place comfortable clothing- 
of co-operative manufacture within the reach of the- 
humblest co-operator. 

The wool used for the purposes of manufacture has. 
originally come from Australia, and, to some extent, from 
the home counties. 

It is impossible here to detail the various stages of 
manufacture, but it may be said that all the operations- 
necessary for transforming the wool into the finished 
cloth are carried on with the exception of spinning the- 
worsted yarn used in serges, &c. The machinery is of 
the best and latest type, and the general appearance of 
the rooms is much in advance of the majority of mills- 
of this class. The number of employes exceeds "250, 
trade union rates of wages being paid, and the hours- 
worked per week are 53, against 56^ in the trade. 
Designers are constantly engaged in creating new patterns 
and colour combinations, and the co-operator buying his 
new suit, if he desires satisfaction, can rely upon Batley 
productions. 



106 







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Clothing Factory, Leeds* 



TEEDS is the natural centre of the ready-made clothing 
■*-' trade, and in 1890 tlie C.W.S. transferred this 
branch of industry from Batley Mill to Leeds (Harper 
Place), then to the factory known as the Mint, at 
Holbeck. 

During the past few years very many alterations and 
extensions have been made, and the factory is one of 
the most up-to-date of its kind. 

On the left foreground is the receiving-room, where 
large quantities of cloth arrive, and is stored in the three- 
storeyed warehouse here shown. In the cutting-room 
adjoining a staff of 60 men and youths are continually 
employed. Immediately behind there is i\ spacious room 
wherein are situated 600 electrically driven sewing 
machines. From 800 to 900 females are employed, and in 
the busy season this number is considerably augmented. 
The next room is occupied by the finishers, and many 
ingenious machines are here found. 

On the extreme background (right) is the pressing- 
room, where about 40 men are occupied, and adjoining 
IS the room where the final process — that of "passing" — 
takes place before the garments are taken into the 
despatch-room. The lower floor of this warehouse is used 
exclusively for dii'ect orders to north-country Societies. 

Thus we have an entirely modern factory, where the 
whole operations, from cloth to finished garment, are 
carried out on the one level. 

These works, when extensions are completed, will 
provide accommodation for 2,000 employes, about double 
the number of the present staff. A fine dining-room is in 
course of erection, which will also be used by employes 
for social and recreative purposes. 



109 



Broughton Tailoring Factory^ 



TDESPOKE tailoring "was first made in a small building 
'^^ in the vicinity of Balloon Street. The department 
was worked in connection with the Distributive 
Department, and only one or two cutters and a few 
machinists were employed. 

In 1905 the removal to Broughton occurred, and the 
value of supplies for the first six months totalled £7,561. 
In 1897 the trade amounted to £27,010, and new 
premises, shown in the block opposite, were built. In 
1901 the figures had increased to £40,180, whilst in 1913 
the total trade amounted to £58,150. 

The whole of the machining and finishing work is 
done by female labour, the cutting and pressing by men, 
and the employes number 700. Trade union rates of 
wages are paid, and the arrangements for the lighting 
and ventilating of the whole of the factory are excellent. 
Another feature is that no attempt is made to obtain cheap 
labour by taking on learners and dismissing them when 
they are fit to go on full piecework wages. 

The larger part of the trade is, of course, bespoke 
work, and from March to August the resources of the 
management are taxed to the utmost in meeting the 
demand, but after this busy period comes the "off season" 
— September or October until February — when, in order 
to mitigate slackness, the work is supplemented by the 
making of ready-mades. 



110 




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Clothing Factory, Pelaw. 



npHE building bearing the name of "Tailoring 
■*• Factory' contains four departments; on the ground 
floor the kersey department, wherein is manufactured 
miners' and artisans' clothing; the tailoring department, 
for the production of bespoke clothing; the top floor is 
devoted to the manufacture of men's woollen shirts and 
ladies' underclothing; the first floor is the cutting-room 
for tailoring, shirts, and underclothing, and stockroom for 
the above departments. 

All machines are of the high-speed type and electrically 
driven, like all the machinery at Pelaw. The girls use 
patent adjustable seats, which add much to their comfort; 
the workrooms are light and airy, and labour is lightened 
by the use of machinery in every direction. Wages are 
fixed by piece work, and also hour work, the rates being 
above the average in the district. 

Shirtmaking was started at Pelaw, twelve years ago, 
in a small way, but now 270 machines are employed in 
the four departments. 



IIH 



London: Clothing Factory ♦ 

T^HE Clothing Factory, situated in Grove Street, 
•*• London, E., is five minutes' walk from the central 
premises of the London Branch, and caters for the 
bespoke and ready-made clothing trade of the Societies 
in the London district, including the West of England and 
South Wales. It gives employment to fourteen expert 
cutters, whose labours are assisted by a power-driven 
band-knife. There are also fifty power-driven sewing and 
buttonhole machines. The pressing is done by men, using 
self-heating gas-irons. The cutting-room occupies the 
ground floor, and the trousers and vests are machined on 
the floor above. On the second floor is the sorting and 
examining room, while the machines in the room above 
are devoted to coat making. The factory employs a staff 
of 132 hands. Two stone staircases, one at each end of 
the building, give adequate means of exit in case of fire ; 
the air space is ample, and the sanitary arrangement all 
that can be desired. The wages paid are the best London 
rates, and a general air of contentment pervades the 
factory, while the workers, the pick of their class, all look 
the picture of health. 

The smaller building, conveniently situated next to 
the tailoring factory, is used as a woollen cloth warehouse, 
where the productions of Batley Mill are to be found. 



114 




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Leeds Brush and Mat Works* 

HTHE C.W.S. first began to make brushes in connection with 
■*• the Furnishing Department at the London Branch. In 
1904 the industry, for various reasons, was removed to Leeds 
and reorganised. About the same time the Co-operative Brush 
Society in Huddersfield was taken over, and later was incorporated 
with the Leeds factory. First situated at the Mint, Holbeck, the 
works were afterwards removed to Hunslet, on the south side of 
the city, where there is plenty of room for expansion. Fostered 
under careful management, the factory has made rapid headway, 
and it now claims to be the most up-to-date of its kind in the 
country. 

The housewife's brush, though not an aid to the highest 
artistic expression, is a homely and useful article, and all the 
quarters of the globe are under contribution to the manufacturers 
of the various kinds. Beech is the chief wood, but chestnut, lime, 
alder, sycamore, and Swedish silver birch are also used. Bristle, 
in addition to the home supply, comes to us from France, 
Germany, Poland, Eoumania, Eussia, Siberia, and China; bass 
is produced chiefly in Brazil and Africa, and bassine in Ceylon. 
Besides these two materials other fibres are used — Mexican 
whisk, French whisk, Italian sedge, and cocoanut fibre. Both 
by hand and machine these materials are manipulated until they 
assume the various forms of bass brooms, banisters, shoe, 
blacklead, and other brush shapes. 

Mats are also made here. Woven of cocoanut fibre or yarn, 
the manufacture has hitherto been done by hand, but after eighteen 
months' experimenting a practical loom has been installed which 
will enable the factory the better to compete with the Belgian 
gaol-made article. Whilst having the virtual monopoly of this 
contrivance, it is necessary to remember that the aims and results 
of collective ownership are altogether different to those of individual 
proprietorship. 

Notwithstanding Continental competition, made severe by 
means of cheap labour, the 230 employes are paid union wages — 
indeed, the women machine workers are remunerated at higher 
rates than are paid in the outside trade. 



11< 



Brislington Butter Factory^ 

'T'HIS factory has been erected at Brislington, 
■*■ Somersetshire, with the primary object, not of 
producing butter itself, but to blend and pack butter 
obtained from various sources, to meet the requirements 
of numerous Societies. We distinguish such blending 
places as "factories" as against "creameries," where 
butter is actually produced straight' from the cream. It 
is a distinction worth noting, as the two terms are often 
confused, but are not in any way synonymous. 

Business commenced in June, 1904, and the trade for 
the half year was £12,000. Sales have steadily increased, 
and now the total trade done in twelve months exceeds 
£300,000. 

The productions have met with the approval of 
Societies to such an extent that the factory and plant 
have been duplicated. The factory has now greater 
facilities to cope with the steadily increasing demand for 
its products. The motive power is different to that 
usually employed in butter factories, the various machines 
being driven by electric motors. The present capacity is 
from 60 to 70 tons per week. The greatest proportion 
of the output is in lib. and ^Ib. tablets and prints. 
Butter is also packed in Icwt. casks and 561b. and 281b. 
pyramids. Supplies of cream can be obtained throughout 
the year, packed in attractive jars for counter trade, 
and in bulk for confectionery departments. The factory 
has taken up the manufacture of Lactic Cheese, put up 
in dainty packages. There is an increasing demand for 
this delicacy, and trade is rapidly developing. 



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Flour Mills, Dunston. 



nr'HE question of flour milling by the CAY.S. was first 
■*• discussed in 1883, as the quantity of flour consumed 
in the Newcastle district was then held to justify such a 
venture. Finally, it was decided in 1886 to proceed, and 
the site purchased at Dunston-on-Tyne. Although many 
obstacles hindered the progress of the work, it went 
steadily forward, and on April 18th, 1891, the mills were 
opened. 

The building containing the flour milling machinery 
is situate in the background of the view, and the new 
circular grain silos are close to the river front, while to 
the immediate right is to be seen the building containing 
the wheat cleaning, &c., machinery. The mills are 
divided into three distinct plants, giving a total milling 
capacity of about 90 sacks of flour per hour. The 
circular grain silos have a storage capacity of 15,000 
tons of wheat, and vessels come direct alongside the 
premises where the wheat is discharged by means of 
powerful ship-elevators. Along the side of the premises 
opposite to the river is the railway siding with three sets 
of railway lines, giving facilities for loading a train 
consisting of 35 wagons. The whole of the machinery 
is driven by electric power. 



121 



Flour Mill, Silvertown^ 

TYTHEN the demand arose for a flour mill in the South 
'^ it was this position, full on the Thames, with 
railway and road in the rear, that induced the C.W.S. 
Committee to purchase five acres of freehold land at 
Silvertown, If we remember how many of the large 
Societies in the South of England are in towns situated 
on tidal waters, we shall see that, apart from the facilities 
for receiving sea-borne wheat, the water communication 
has for the Silvertown Mill an especial value. To build, 
however, on the light gravel of the river bank was not 
a simple matter. Sixty five-foot cylinders, in 300 six-foot 
sections, had to be sunk through the surface drift and 
filled in with concrete. On this solid foundation the mill 
was erected by the C.W.S. Building Department, London. 
The Great Eastern Eailway added a siding communicating 
vid Stratford with the great main lines, and on June 20th, 
1900, the mill was formally opened. 

At the start the capacity of the machinery w^as 12 
sacks of 280lbs. each per hour. It is now 50 sacks per 
hour. 

The provender mill is now in full work for the supply 
of cattle feeding-meals, poultry mixtures, &c. 



122 




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The Sun Mills, Manchester. 



"VY7HEN the Sun Mill was bought eight years ago it had a 
'^ capacity of between thirty and forty sacks per liour. This, 
being quite unequal to the demand, had to be increased. A new 
screen-room, where the wheat is washed and dried, replaced the 
old small one. Then came the problem of storage room for the 
wheat. To solve it the original warehouse and provender mill 
were turned into silos. The old office, a small chop warehouse, 
and a cottage were pulled down, and in their place a new warehouse 
and provender mill erected. Meanwhile the plant of the flour 
mill had been increased until it was equal to an output of seventy 
sacks per hour. All this took place in the first three years of 
C.W.S. ownership. 

Trade for a short time was hardly sufficient, but as the quality 
of the flour became better known it grew to the normal power of 
the mill. For twelve months, perhaps, demand balanced fairly 
with supply. Then difficulties again began. The demand for the 
flour gradually increased out of all proportion to the mill's power 
of supply. A new mill has therefore been erected. It provides 
ample storage for wheat by means of ferro-concrete silos, which, 
together with the old ones, have a capacity of 20,000 tons. There 
is a washing and drying plant for dealing with this great quantity. 
Then there is the mill proper, with two complete plants each 
capable of 35 sacks per hour. 

Except through such a federation as the C.W.S. , no body of 
consumers could possess so stupendous a mill. The capacity of 
the old and new plant together is an output of 140 sacks an hour. 
For three years the old mill has worked over 160 hours a week to 
keep pace with orders. Now, with double the capacity, the mill 
can meet every demand immediately. Thousands of pounds of 
co-operative capital have gone to its erection. To keep it idle a 
day would be equivalent to flinging 250 golden sovereigns into 
the Ship Canal. To withhold orders is as foolish as, after building 
such a mill, to refuse it wheat. There was far-sighted wisdom in 
its erection, but its ultimate justification and the final responsibility 
for its success rests with the co-operative purchaser and her 
demand for C.W.S. flour. 



L 



12.5 



The Star Mill, Oldham. 

nr^HTS mill, founded in 1868, was originally started by 
the two Societies in the town to provide for their 
own needs and those of the neighbouring Societies. 
When first started the flour was made by the old-fashioned 
millstones, but the directors were amongst the earliest 
to put in a roller plant when rolls for flour grinding were 
introduced. 

In 1889, w^ien one-half the mill had just been 
remodelled and brought up to date, a disastrous fire 
occurred, which totally destroyed the mill and warehouse. 
The insurance did not wholly cover the contents of the 
mill and stocks of flour, and there was a loss of £3,500 
as a result of the fire. 

Notwithstanding this loss, the fire was not altogether 
a disaster. The directors of the mill were enabled to 
erect new buildings, which were altogether more suitable 
for a modern flour mill roller plant than the old buildings 
had been, they having been built for the millstone plant. 

The present buildings were erected in 1890, and the 
new mill was fitted up by Messrs. Thomas Robinson and 
Son, of Rochdale, with thoroughly efficient and up-to-date 
plant. From time to time as improvements in corn mill 
machinery have been made they have been introduced into 
the Star Mill. The whole plant has been kept in a highly 
efficient state, and down to the present time the results, 
both as regards quality of the flour and the profits, have 
been most satisfactory. The capacity of the mill is 32 
sacks of 2801bs. each per hour. 

Although an inland mill, the cost of getting the 
wheat from the Manchester Docks is very low. The bulk 
wheat is loaded into motors specially adapted for carrying 
wheat in bulk, and discharged into elevators in the mill 
yard. Although not enjoying the exceptional advantages 
of the Sun Mill in regard to dock accommodation, the 
Star Mill has all the best facilities which an inland mill 
can possess, and there are a number of large Societies in 
close proximity to the mill who take the largest percentage 
of the flour. The quality is well known and highly 
appreciated, and since this mill was taken over from the 
Star Mill Flour Society by the C.W.S. it has in every 
possible way been a most satisfactory concern, and for 
every sack of flour that could be made there has been a 
good demand. 



126 




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Flour and Provender Mills, 
Avonmouth* 

A FEW minutes' walk from the modest railway 
•^^ terminus brings the visitor to the mill, and the 
value of its situation is almost immediately obvious. A 
network of Midland and Great Western lines surround 
it; the grey ferro-concrete granary stands beside it; and 
the deep dock is at hand from which the great Australian 
wheat ships, laden with their thousands of quarters, can 
discharge direct into the mill silos. 

The fresh, clean aspect of the mill outside is not 
belied within. Modern milling machinery is largely 
boxed in, and floor after floor shows nothing but smartly- 
varnished cases, in which panes of glass are set to show 
the fine stream of flour smoothly and swiftly running 
like water over a weir. Much of the machinery, too, 
is connected from floor to floor, so that a main part 
of the mill resolves itself simply into one huge machine, 
the separate floors being mierely platforms by which to 
reach its parts. 

The Provender Department forms a well-equipped 
part of the mill. Here English barley, maize, and various 
cereals are cleaned, mixed, split, and ground, and bird 
food, chicken food, pigeon corn, &c., are prepared. 

At present there is difficulty in coping with the great 
demand for flour, but arrangements have been made for 
doubling the milling plant in order to relieve the situation. 



129 



Broughton Shirt and Cabinet Factories^ 

A WALK of ten minutes from Balloon Street, through a 
■^^ neighbourhood where the chief features are the Assize 
Courts, Strangeways Gaol, and a Jewish population whose labour 
is largely exploited by capitalistic enterprise, brings us to 
Trafalgar Street, Lower Broughton, in which the Shirt Factory 
is situate. This factory began operations in 1896, but owing to 
increasing trade demanding alterations and extensions the original 
building is hardly recognisable in the block opposite. 

Space does not permit of a description of the various 
operations of cutting machinery, folding, &c., but an idea of the 
extent of the business carried on may be gathered from the fact 
that over 600 employes are busily engaged, hundreds of 
thousands of yards of shirting are held in stock, and the output 
is 36,000 garments per week. Mention must be made here that, 
in addition to the making of shirts, duck jackets, overalls, 
artisans' jackets, &c., are among the garments produced. The 
business has grown from a turnover in the first year of £13,822 
to £150,000 in 1913. 

Visitors to the works are impressed by the up-to-date 
machinery, the systematic manner in which so large an output 
is dealt with, the light, airy, and spacious workrooms, and the 
spirit of contentment prevailing among the workers. The normal 
hours worked are forty-eight per week, no stoppages are made for 
needle and thread, and piecework wages are paid considerably 
in advance of the rate outside. 

Cabinet making by the C.W.S. commenced in 1893. Prior 
to this date furniture was bought "in the white," polishing, 
&c., being done at Balloon Street. In compliance with the 
demand of the delegates the present factory was erected, the 
first of the Broughton group. It is not intended to detail here 
the various vicissitudes to which this enterprise has been subject; 
suffice it to say that the factory experienced a lean period extending 
from the commencement to 1905, but since this date progress 
has been made, other branches of trade added — viz., chair-making, 
upholstering, bedding manufacture, and down quilt making — and 
the outlook at the present time is much brighter than at any 
other period in the history of the factory. The goods are second 
to none, and are made of sound materials by well-paid trade union 
labour and under the best conditions. When co-operators overcome 
the present-day tendency (which should be repugnant to them) 
of purchasing goods in the cheapest market, no matter how and 
where they are made, and give their practical support to the 
factories worked for the mutual benefit of themselves and the 
workers, there will be an increase in trade at Broughton to which 
the management is thoroughly entitled. 

130 



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Cabinet Factory, Pelaw. 



'T'HE arrangement of these ])uildings has been made 
■■■ with the greatest care and forethought. Economy in 
transit, unloading, and storage are followed by a carefully- 
planned system of putting the work through inside the 
factory ; from the rough log to the finished article no 
point is missed. At the back of the factory one looks 
down from the level of the yard on to the railway siding, 
into which the wagons of timber are shunted. A 
travelling electric crane here renders great service by 
directly transporting the logs from the railway to the 
timber store and saw shed. 

Every possible precaution is taken to ensure the 
proper drying of the wood, and the heat from the boilers 
of the power-house is utilised for this purpose. The 
factory is replete with the most recent inventions in the 
way of machinery, and in addition is fitted with a system 
of exhaust pipes which suck the dust and shavings from 
the machines and deposit them in the boiler-house. There 
has lately been added some new machinery for the 
washing, pulling, and sterilising of flock, and also two 
machines for the purifying and sorting of featheis, thereby 
ensuring complete cleanliness and purity in the making 
of mattresses and beds, &c., for which there is now a 
very great demand in the district. There are no 
productions of the C.W.S. more worthy the support of 
the Societies, as an inspection of the showrooms at 
Newcastle would prove. 



133 



Broughton Mantle and Underclothing 
Factories^ 

TADIES' mantle and costume making by the C.W.S. 
■■^ began in 1896. Six employes were then engaged, 
and the work was carried on in a corner of the Shirt 
Factory. In accordance with the rule associated with 
C.W.S. enterprise, the trade grew until the present 
up-to-date factory was erected, in which over 300 hands 
are employed, and a glance at the pattern and design 
books issued by this factory will bring conviction that 
the costumes, &c., turned out should satisfy even the 
most fastidious of the fair sex. Considering the fickleness 
of the English climate it is not a matter for wonder that 
the factory should also specialise in rainproof s. The same 
remarks as to conditions, &c., applying to other C.W.S. 
factories, are also relevant here. From the first operation 
of cutting the cloth by the band-knife to the pressing of 
the garments by irons, heated with hot air and gas, 
the dropping and lifting being controlled by the foot, 
numerous labour-saving machines are at work. We see 
the braiding, button-holing, two-needle, overlocking 
machines all electrically driven, and one is amazed at 
the ingenuity of these machines, but in the case of the 
C.W.S. that ingenuity has been applied not for the 
destruction, but for the construction of a system for the 
uplifting of humanity. 

The same block of buildings houses the Underclothing 
Factory, and here again we have the light, airy, and 
lofty workrooms. A multiplicity of articles of women's 
and girls' attire come under the category of "under- 
clothing," but to the masculine mind the machinery in 
this factory again appeals in preference to their delicate 
productions. Here again are the overlocking machine 
for stitching on elegant borders, hemstitching and tuckiug 
machines, and electric irons for the finishing process. 
A speciality is the making of overalls or magyars — a 
useful article which has found much feminine favour. 

The two factories described produce all the necessary 
articles, except head and footgear, the completeness of 
which is a tribute to the method and efficiency of the 
management. 



184 



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Desborough Corset Factory* 

^T'HE Corset Factory was originally a meraber of the 
■*■ Broughton group, and it began operations on October 
20th, 1898. A few years sufficed to prov^e that at some 
time in the future larger premises would be required, 
and the attention of the Wholesale Committee was 
■drawn to Desborough. The Northamptonshire township 
had a claim to be considered as a corset-making centre, 
and it also made a strong co-operative appeal. The 
distributive Co-operative Society at Desborough, besides 
enrolling the greater number of the inhabitants, had 
attained a unique position. With the help of a loan 
secured from the C.W\S. it had purchased (in 1898) a 
freehold estate of over 400 acres, carrying with it the 
local Manor House. Under 80 acres of this land a bed 
of iron ore, sufficiently valuable to recoup the Society 
for the whole first cost, was afterwards found. The 
Desborough co-operators decided to work this themselves ; 
and, under the circumstances, to find employment for 
the girls and women of the village, they were ready to 
offer the C.W\S. special terms. At the Quarterly 
Meetings in December, 1904, the Wholesale Committee 
obtained approval for a purchase of 7,556 square yards 
of building land, fronting on the Eothwell Eoad, 
Desborough; 500 square yards adjoining were afterwards 
bought. Meanwhile the existing Desborough Corset 
Manufacturing Society was taken over, and finally on 
July 3rd, 1905, the whole of the business was transferred 
to the fine new factory which by that time had been 
erected on the Eothwell Eoad site. 



IS*: 



Longsight Printing Works* 

TYTHEN the annual sales of the C.W.S. approached 
^^ £10,000,000 the question presented itself whether 
the demand for printing, books, and stationery consequent 
upon such a huge business could not be met by the 
Society itself. The question received an affirmative 
answer, and in 1895 work was begun in a small way in 
a warehouse that stood upon part of the site now 
covered by the Bank. The venture proved successful 
in so many ways that it was realised that the 
available accommodation would speedily prove inadequate. 
Building operations were then begun on a plot of land 
at Longsight, already owned by the C.W.S. , and close 
to the tram route. The new works were ready in 1898, 
and the 100 employes then engaged had ample space for 
the performance of their duties. Now, in 1914, the stafT 
is nearly 1,200, a fact that testifies eloquently to 
the progress of the works. In 1902 an extension to the 
works was made, and in 1906 another wing of five storeys, 
was opened, and now the capacity of the works is tested 
to its full extent. 

The whole of the allied trades connected with the 
printing business are engaged in these works, and thus 
the diversity of work carried on is too great to specify 
in detail. Besides the production of account books for 
the C.W.S. and its constituent Societies, and balance 
sheets, the works have dealt with many jubilee histories 
for a large number of Societies, in quantities ranging 
from 30,000 books of 700 pages each to small orders of 
one or two thousand. Here also is produced the 
** Wheatsheaf," a monthly journal published for about 
500 Societies, who contribute pages of local interest to 
their special editions. A total circulation of nearly 
550,000 monthly has now been reached. A fine range 
of lithographic machinery is always busy with box 
labels, &c., and towards Christmas with many thousands- 
of almanacs. Box-making is also an important feature; 
of the works, as the extent and variety of the C.W.S. 
industries call for an incessant supply of boxes literally 
by millions. 



138 




a 
o 



f^ 



Printing Works, Pelaw* 



npHIS department commenced at West Blandford Street 
■■■ in the spring of 1898, in connection with the paper 
department whicli had been started previously, and in 
July, 1902, a removal took place to the new works at 
Pelaw, where the paper and printing departments were 
carried on jointly up to June, 1908, when, consequent 
on the necessity for a greater development of the two 
branches of business, it was deemed advisable to separate 
the two departments, and leave the printing and allied 
trades the full use of the Pelaw Works. 

As in most of the C.W.S. factories, white glazed 
bricks are used to line the walls inside. The lighting of 
the rooms is thus very much improved, while cleaning 
is a matter of the greatest ease. Not merely is dirt less 
liable to lodge on the porcelain surface, but it shows 
itself to the eye at once when there. The rooms are all 
heated and ventilated by the Sirocco system. Large air 
ducts lead from the heating apparatus, which is in a 
small separate building, to each room. A powerful fan 
drives the warm air through these pipes into each room. 
The air supplied has the normal amount of moisture in it, 
and is much more healthy to breathe and work in than 
the dry heat of a room warmed by radiation from hot 
pipes or metal surfaces. 

The equipment of the works is of the most modern 
character, a large addition having been made to the plant 
during the past three years. The works, which are lighted 
and machinery driven by electricity, cater for the full 
requirements of the C.W.S. works and departments, as 
well as Societies in the North, for every description of 
printing, bookbinding, cardboard box-making, &c., and 
the trade is a constantly increasing one. 



141 



Leicester Printing Works* 



^TpHESE premises were originally occupied as the 
■'■ hosiery factory, but when the new factory at 
Huthwaite was completed and the business transferred it 
was decided to utilise the building as an auxiliary printing 
w^orks. To this end certain necessary alterations were 
made and modern machinery installed, and a start was 
made in March, 1909. In 1912 a further plot of land was 
secured and a large extension to buildings made, and the 
capacity of the works doubled. New machinery has been 
installed to deal with the growing trade. The works can 
execute orders for all kinds of printing, bookbinding, 
ruling, and box-making. In the last-named industry over 
50,000 boxes are turned out weekly for our own boot 
works, and millions of cartons of all sizes for various 
packed goods. 



142 



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West Hartlepool Lard Refinery, &c* 

'TT'HESE modern premises (which are situated at the 
■■■ corner of Oxford and Baltic Streets, the main 
entrance being from Oxford Street) were specially erected 
for the process of lard refining, and are equipped with 
the most up-to-date appliances for this business, capable 
of a weekly output of 100 tons. They are fitted 
throughout with electric lights, motors, &c., and among 
other advantages there are cold storage chambers in 
which all refined lard is warehoused. The refinery is 
within easy access of the docks, there being a continuous 
line of railway up to the works, running into a large 
covered shed at the back of the premises, so that goods 
can be both despatched from and received at the works 
in trucks, all loading and discharging being done under 
cover. 



145 



Flannel Factory, Littleborough, 



npHE manufacture of flannel in Lancashire dates back 
■^ to the reign of Edward III., when certain Flemish 
weavers, exiled by troubles at home, settled down in the 
wild and lofty moorland between Lancashire and 
Yorkshire. From them in part were descended the famous 
handloom flannel weavers of Eochdale who began the 
co-operative movement. 

In 1872 co-operators in the neighbourhood formed 
the Lancashire and Yorkshire Productive Society, and 
began to make flannel at Hare Hill Mill. The venture, 
however, was not a success, and in 1878 it went into 
voluntary liquidation. In 1898 the business was 
purchased by the C.W.S., and has since taken its place 
as a profit-earning department. 



146 



Tobacco Factory, Manchester^ 

pOE many years the demand for tobacco had been 
■*■ steadily growing, and about 1896 the Directors of the 
C.W.S. felt that the time was opportune for embarking 
on the manufacture of the fragrant weed. A factory was 
bought in Sharp Street, a few minutes' walk from Balloon 
Street, and a start was made in 1898. Instant success 
attended the enterprise, and within four years a trade of 
£300,000 per annum was reached. Alterations and 
additions proceeded rapidly, until the buildings now cover 
the ground to the extent shown in the illustration, the 
total floor space being well over 10,000 square yards. As 
an indication of the strenuous efforts made to meet the 
varied tastes of the consumers, it may be mentioned that 
the factory turns out 480 separate kinds of roll, flake, 
mixture, shag, honeydew, cigars, and cigarettes. The 
annual production amounts to 1,500 tons tobacco, 
4,140,000 cigars, and 53,000,000 cigarettes. 



149 



Hosiery Factory, Huthwaite* 

npHE connection of the CAY.S. with hosiery began in 
■■• 1903, when the Leicester Hosiery Factory, which had 
previously been run as a copartnership works, was taken 
over as a going concern. For about five years operations 
were carried on in the old building, but in 1908 the 
business was transferred to a new and commodious factory 
designed and erected by the C.W.S. at Hucknall 
Huthwaite, fourteen miles from Nottingham. 

The building, which lies just behind the main road 
from Sutton to Huthwaite, is of two storeys without a 
basement. It takes the shape of an L, with the 
engine-house and other incidental buildings grouped in 
an angle. From one extreme of the L to the other it is 
one lofty hall, lit from roof and sides. 

The factory produces all kinds of hosiery, such as 
stockings suitable for all varieties of extremities; socks 
also, and underclothing, cardigans, &c. 

All that modern machinery can do, guided by expert 
management, is brought to bear upon the work, with 
the result that the C.W.S. hosiery is second to none. 



160 



^^^^^^^^ 




* 



Bury Weaving Shed* 

nr^HIS factory, opened in February, 1905, is situated at 
*■ Springs, Bury, about ten miles from Manchester, 
and, being directly connected with the Lancashire and 
Yorkshire Eailway, is conveniently placed with regard to 
traffic facilities. As may be seen from the illustration, 
ample provision is made for a full volume of light, and the 
floor space gives ample room for each branch of the work. 
There are about 900 looms at work making domestics, 
Wigans, sheetings, &c. The material woven here is dyed 
and finished elsewhere, these operations being distinct and 
separate trades. The bulk of it reappears as lining or 
pocketing, the "Sataline" fabric being in considerable 
favour amongst the Societies. 



k 



153 



Radcliffe Weaving Shed* 

npHIS is the latest C.W.S. development on the 
•■■ productive side. The site for the shed has been 
admirably chosen just on the borders between Eadcliffe 
and Bury (Lancashire). Only coloured goods are woven, 
principally shirtings, and the other mills required for 
the various finishing processes are close at hand. The 
building is worthy of the G.W.S. Distinctive features 
are individual electric drive for each loom and machine, 
the current being supplied by the Bury Corporation. 
There are no humidifiers, so the health of the employes 
stands to gain. All "conditioning," therefore, is done 
to the yarn, and for this purpose there is a good cellar. 
Automatic looms are being used, which m.ean better and 
more reliable cloth. The productions have given every 
satisfaction, and with the foundations of success so 
securely laid, firm hopes for the future may be entertained. 



154 




a: 

c 

ci 



Pi 




1 



Keighley Ironworks. 

'T'HE inception of these works was due to the local 
•^ co-operators, who in 1885 had under consideration 
a proposition to enter into a local industry. Eventually 
a Society was formed and registered, premises taken, and 
work commenced. 

In 1907 negotiations were promoted with a view to 
the acquirement of the Society by the C.W.S., and in 
1908 the transfer was an accomplished fact. 

In 1909 the foundry was extended and more 
commodious buildings erected for the machine depart- 
ment, and altogether the buildings are very substantial 
and well adapted to the demands of the work. The works 
are thoroughly equipped with machinery for economical 
production, and for both driving and lighting electricity 
is the motive power. 

As regards conditions of labour and wages paid, there 
is no hesitation in declaring them to be in harmony with 
the aims and desires of co-operators. 

The principal articles of manufacture are washing 
machines and wringers, bedsteads of iron and brass, and 
wire mattresses. 



157 



Dudley Bucket and Fender Works, 



n^HESE works were established in 1888 as an 
"■• independent Productive Society, and after twenty 
years of steady progress the works were taken over by 
the C.W.S. at the same time as the Keighley Ironworks. 
The main products of the factory are fenders, 
fire-irons (curb, brass, and antique), and fire brasses. 
These are of a great variety in design, as new patterns 
are constantly in demand. Iron, steel, brass, and copper 
are all brought into requisition, singly or in combination, 
to produce attractive articles of furniture. The less 
ornamental but often more useful bucket is also made in 
large quantities and many sizes. Galvanised goods, such 
as buckets, baths, waterloos, &c., also constitute a large 
proportion of the trade. 



1D8 




3 



Birtley Tinplate Works^ 



nr HESE are the largest works of the kind in the North 
•■■ of England devoted to the production of tinware, 
steel, and sheet metal goods of every description. 

The 'vsorks are situated in the south-west of Birtley, 
adjoining the main line of the North-Eastern Eailway, 
six miles south of Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

The building is a brick structure, composed of single 
and two-storey buildings, and, with the various 
outbuildings, covers close on an acre of land. 

The machine and general workshop is fitted up with 
modern machinery, with power presses for all classes of 
work, and automatic machinery for the production of 
sheet metal goods. Domestic tinware is here made in 
large quantities and of great variety, over 500 various 
articles being made in this department. 

Special flour bins and shoots are made for the storage 
of all kinds of flour, meal, and grain. In this department 
are also manufactured the noted steel panel trunks. 
There are also manufactured ventilators, flour mill spouts 
and hoppers, &c., to suit the requirements of the various 
productive departments. 

All the machinery is worked by electric motors, and 
the conditions of labour are all that could be desired. 



M 161 



Paint, Colour, and Varnish Works, 
Rochdale. 

npHESE premises were opened in November, 1911, 
■*■ and are completely equipped for the manufacture of 
paints, colours, varnishes, distempers, enamels, &c. A 
large and increasing trade is being done, and the 
productions are giving every satisfaction. 

A speciality is made of high-class paints, colours, and 
varnish for building and painting departments. 



162 




.# 







I 



Steamships Department* 

npHE Garston and Eouen service was started by the 
■■■ Society with a fortnightly steamer in the early part of 
1879, and in 1894, on the opening of the Manchester Ship 
Canal, a separate fortnightly service was commenced 
between Manchester and Eouen, the s.s "Pioneer" 
being the first boat to land inward foreign cargo direct 
on to the Manchester Quay. 

In 1905 the service was rendered more efficient by 
making it weekly from each port, instead of fortnightly. 

The boats call at Swansea on the outward voyage to 
load tinplates and other general goods. 

The sailing days are from Manchester every Tuesday ; 
from Garston, Wednesday; and from Swansea, Friday, 
arriving at Eouen Sunday. The homeward sailings are 
from Eouen every Wednesday, arriving at Manchester on 
Sunday. Two steamers are at present engaged in the 
service, viz., the s.s. "Fraternity" and "New Pioneer." 



S.S. *^ FRATERNITY/' 

The "Fraternity" was built at Glasgow in 1903. 
Dimensions, 180ft. 2in. x 28ft. lin. x 15ft. Gin. ; net 
tonnage, 281. She carries 650 tons cargo and 100 tons 
bunkers. The crew consists of 15 hands ; master, Captain 
E. Bell. 



165 



S.S. "New Pioneer." 



npHE "New Pioneer" was built at Walker-on-Tyne, 
■*■ December, 1905, to replace the original "Pioneer," 
sold in 1906. Dimensions, 193ft. x 29ft.. 6in. x 12ft. 
4in. ; net tonnage, 320. She carries 750 tons cargo and 
100 tons bunkers. The crew consists of 15 hands; 
master, Captain J. T. Gemmell. 



IG6 



Roden Convalescent Home* 



THE Eoden Estate, purchased by the C.W.S. in 1896, 
included the Roden Hall, a small modern country 
house standing in its own grounds. After alterations and 
enlargements the house was opened in July, 1901, as a 
Convalescent Home. It has accommodation for fifty 
persons. The house includes a men's sitting-room, a 
billiard-room, a library, a handsome dining-room, which 
is used also for concerts and dances, a ladies' sitting-room, 
a conservatory, separate bedrooms, and also bedrooms 
for married couples as well as the matron's apartments, 
kitchens, &c. The Home has its own kitchen garden and 
tennis courts. A bowling green and cricket ground 
adjacent is used jointly by visitors and the employes of 
the estate. The Home is open, first, for convalescents, 
who, being recommended by a Co-operative Society 
federated with the C.W.S. , and not suffering from 
infectious disease, are received at a charge of 12s. 6d. per 
week. AYhen there is room visitors are also received at 
■25s. per week, or for a week-end for 12s. The official 
receiving day for convalescents is Tuesday, when a 
physician attends at the Home. 



Roden Estate. 



'T'HE C.W.S. Eoden Estate, in Shropshire, consists of 
■*■ 742 acres on the banks of the Httle river Eoden, and 
is situated six miles north-east of Shrewsbury. Of this 
land 208 acres are farmed by the C.W.S. , the remainder 
being mainly let to farmers. Fifty acres are (summer, 
1914) under fruit, seventy acres are mov/ing and grazing 
land, and the rest is planted with peas, roots, and cereals. 
Besides the fruit farm there are the glasshouses, the total 
length of which amounts to over a mile and a half. 
Tomatoes, cucumbers, and grapes are chiefly grown. 
Thirty-four men are employed on the farm, and thirty- 
two men and five women in the glasshouses ; while in the 
fruit-picking season a large temporary staff is recruited 
from the Wellington and Oakengates districts. The fruit 
picked is taken daily four miles to Crudgington Station, 
on the Wellington and Market Drayton line, by steam 
lurry. The lurry does the work of seven horses, and there 
are fourteen horses kept on the farm. Modern cottages- 
have been built for employes, fitted with electric light, 
and are let at a rent of 3s. weekly. An institute, with 
lending library and reading and billiard i'"Ooms, has also 
been provided by the C.W.S., and in this building 
religious services are held every Sunday. The estate has 
its own water supply by means of a pumping station, and 
its own plant for electric lighting; also an organised 
fire brigade. The estate was acquired in 1896. 



170 



ii 
w 





««.i«* " 



Hf 




o 



^ 



Wisbech Fruit Depot. 

HTHE Wisbech Fruit Depot is an unpretentious 
■*■ building, but forms an important link between the 
agricultural industry of the Eastern Counties and the 
C.W.S., acting as a collecting and distributing station for 
fruit and vegetables grown so abundantly in this locality. 
The Depot was first started in connection with the 
purchase of potatoes, in which a large business is done, 
while vegetables for pickling are despatched to Middleton, 
Silvertown, and Pelaw factories. In the winter months 
employment is given to some seventy women at pea 
picking in connection with the dried-pea trade. During 
the summer, daily consignments of fruit are received from 
the fruit growers in the neighbourhood, the bulk of this 
being immediately despatched to the Middleton Preserve 
\Yorks for jam. An increasing trade with the C.W.S. 
is that of canned fruits, and in order to preserve the 
strawberries, raspberries, &c., while absolutely fresh, the 
fruit is heated in retorts and canned the same day that it 
arrives from the farmers, and is afterwards sent by rail to 
Middleton, where it is labelled and distributed. Green 
fruit is also collected and despatched to the various 
warehouses of the C.W.S. , and also to the Scottish 
Wholesale Society. 

The building is 133 feet long by 30 feet wide, but the 
site provides ample room for extension as the business 
develops. The Depot is well situated for the ready 
despatch of produce, the railway siding in connection with 
the Great Eastern Railway giving convenient access to 
all the distributive centres and productive works. 



178 



Coldham Estate, near Wisbech* 



LJEKE the C.W.S. has an estate in one of the best 
•*■ ■*■ farming districts of the country. The acreage is 
about 802, and consists in the main of four farms — 
Percival House, Fen, Lilypool, and Jew House. The 
first and chief of these adjoins the Coldham railway 
station, the farmhouse being but a couple of minutes 
distant. The other lands also adjoin side by side at 
different points. Peas, potatoes, and fruit will be the 
main supplies from the land. The co-operative store 
movement, as brought into touch with the land through 
the C.W.S. salerooms and factories, can absorb huge 
quantities of all kinds of produce, and the only problem is 
to grow it in sufficient quantities at any two or three 
places to make the handling economical and the business 
worth while. 



174 



-m 




Marden Estate. 



npHE Marden Fruit Farm, which hes about five miles 
■^ from the city of Hereford, was purchased by the 
C.W.S. in 1904 as an extension of the "back-to-the-land" 
pohcy initiated at Eoden, The county of Hereford is 
famous for its orchards, the rich soil being eminently 
suited for fruit growing. The Marden Estate has nearly 
120 acres devoted to fruit culture, of which plums, apples, 
strawberries, gooseberries, and black currants are chiefly 
in favour. 

Whilst tomato growing is on a smaller scale than at 
Eoden, there is a goodly extent of glasshouses at Marden, 
where this popular fruit- vegetable is reared, and, in spite 
of every effort to keep pace, the demand from retail 
Societies exceeds the supply. The co-operative taste has 
learned to distinguish the superior excellence of "our own 
grown" tomatoes. 

A sure market for fruit is not only found in the same 
direction, but the requirements of Middleton Jam Works 
are in themselves enormous. 



177 



Withgill Farm and Chaigeley Estate, 



WITHGILL FARM. 

'T'HIS farm, situate in the parish of Mytton, is three 
■*■ miles from the town of Clitheroe, and comprises an 
area of 293 acres, 1 rood, 17 perches of freehold land. 
It was purchased for the purposes of a dairy farm, cattle 
grazing, and pig feeding and rearing. The farm buildings 
have been modernised and brought thoroughly up to date 
as regards sanitation, &c., whilst the piggeries now 
nearing completion will, when finished, accommodate 
about 1,800 pigs. 

CHAIGELEY ESTATE. 

The estate, which practically adjoins Withgill, contains 
an area of 477 acres, 16 perches of freehold land, 
and comprises eight farms, three cottages, and a large 
manor house, the latter at the present time (November) 
being occupied, on the recommendation of the delegates 
assembled at the September, 1914, quarterly meeting, 
by some fifty-seven Belgian refugees. Auxiliary piggeries 
to Withgill are also being erected on one of the small 
farms to accommodate 200 pigs. 

It is not the intention of the C.W.S. to dispossess the 
present tenants, but to take over the farms as and when 
they become vacant. 



178 




iMnSmMi ''^?BiiiiiiiiT''^ 



Tea Estates, Ceylon, 

TI was in 1882 the English and Scottish Wholesale 
"■■ Societies combined to establish a joint Tea Department 
in London, adjacent to the dock warehouses and brokers' 
offices that constitute the great tea market of the country. 
At the same time tea planting was beginning in the central 
mountainous districts of Ceylon. The superbly beautiful, 
winterless island, with .its warm steamy atmosphere in 
the mountain regions round Kandy, is now one of the 
chief sources of supply, and when the ^Yholesale Societies 
decided to follow the trade outside the bounds of this 
country, and to become tea planters themselves, it was 
to Ceylon they went. In 1902 the Nugawella and 
Weliganga estates were bought, and to these properties 
the Mahavilla, Dambagalla, Denmark, AVesthall, Lower 
Barcaple, and Nagastenne estates have since been added. 
Altogether, through their ^Yholesales, English and 
Scottish Co-operators own 3,366 acres of Chigalese 
ground. 



181 




I 

C 
(£3 



The Co-operative 
Wholesale Society Limited 



ENROLLED AUGUST 1 1th, 1863, 

under the provisions of the Industrial and Provident Societies 
Act, 25 and 26 Vict., cap. 87, sec. 15, 1862. 



BUSINESS COMMENCED MARCH 14th, 1864. 



SHARES, £5 EACH, TRANSFERABLE. 



Wholesale General Dealers, Manufacturers, Bankers, insurers. 
Millers, Printers, Bookbinders, Boxmakers, Lithographers, 
Architects, Engineers, Builders, Shipov^ners, Butter Factors, 
Lard Refiners, Bacon Curers, Fruit Growers, Drysalters, Spice 
Grinders, Saddlers, Curriers, Iron Founders and Tinplate 
Workers, Tea Growers, Blenders, Packers, Farmers, and 
Importers, Fellmongers, Dealers in Grocery and Provisions, 
Drapery, Woollens, Ready-made Clothing, Boots and 
Shoes, Brushes, Crockery, Carpets, Furniture, Coal, Hides, 
Skins, Bones, ^c, ^c. 

Manufacturers of Flour, Butter, Biscuits, Sweets, Preserves, 
Pickles,Vinegar, Candied Peels, Cocoa, Chocolate, Tobacco, 
Cigars, Cigarettes, Snuff, Soap, Candles, Glycerine, Starch, 
Blue, Paints, Varnish, and Colours, Boots and Shoes, 
Saddlery, Woollens, Clothing, Flannels, Shirts, Mantles, 
Underclothing, Overalls, Umbrellas, Leather Bags, Corsets, 
Millinery, Hosiery, Silesias, Shirtings, Coloured Cotton 
Goods, Pants, Ladies' Underwear, Cardigans, Furniture, 
Brushes, General Hardware, Bedsteads, Wire Mattresses, 
Mats, Fats, &-c. 
185 



CENTRAL OFFICES, 

BANK, SHIPPING, AND COAL DEPARTMENT, GROCERY AND PROVISION AND 

BOOT AND SHOE WAREHOUSES: 

Balloon Street, Manchester. 

BRANCHES: 

West Blandford Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne, 

AND 

Leman Street, London, E. 

INSURANCE. 
JOINT INSURANCE DEPARTMENT (C.W.S. €r S.C.W.S.): 

Corporation Street, Manchester. 

GROCERY SALEROOM, FURNISHING AND STATIONERY 
WAREHOUSES: 

Corporation Street, Manchester. 

DRAPERY WAREHOUSES: 

Balloon Street and Dantzic Street, 
Manchester, 

WOOLLEN CLOTH AND READY-MADES WAREHOUSE: 

Dantzic Street, Manchester. 

SADDLERY AND UMBRELLA REPAIRING DEPARTMENTS: 

Thorniley Brow, Manchester. 

HIDE AND SKIN WAREHOUSES: 

Elm Street, Manchester ; Copley Hill, Leeds ; 

Beeston, Nottingham; Rotherham, 
Newcastle-on-Tyne, and Stockton-on-Tees. 

FELLMONGERING AND FAT AND BONES DEPARTMENTS: 

Pontefract. 

186 



SALEROOMS: 

LEEDS, HUDDERSFIELD, NOTTINGHAM, BLACKBURN, 
AND BIRMINGHAM. 



PURCHASfNG AND FORWARDING DEPOTS. 

England : 

LIVERPOOL, MANCHESTER, BRISTOL, LONGTON, GOOLE, GARSTON, 

CARDIFF, AND NORTHAMPTON. 

Ireland : 
CORK, LIMERICK, TRALEE, and ARMAGH. 



IRISH CREAMERIES: 

BUNKAY BRIDGE, KILCOMMON, TRALEE. 
And 6 Auxiliaries. 



FOREIGN AND COLONIAL. 

America : j France : 

NEW YORK. i ROUEN. 

Canada : i Spain : 

MONTREAL. DENIA. 

Denmark : 

COPENHAGEN, AARHUS, ODENSE, ESBJERG, and HERNING. 

Sweden : 
GOTHENBURG. 

Ceylon : 
COLOMBO. 

West Africa : 
MAKENE, FREETOWN, and ACCRA. 

Southern India : 

WYNAAD. 
I8T 



PRODUCTIVE WORKS AND DEPARTMENTS. 



Biscuits, Cakes, Table Jellies, and Sweets Works : 
ORUMPSALL, NEAR MANCHESTER. 

Boot and Shoe Works : 
LEICESTER, HECKMONDWIKE, RUSHDEN, and LEEDS. 

Soap, Candle, Clycerine, Lard, Starch, and Blue Works : 

IRLAM, NEAR MANCHESTER, 
SILVERTOWN (LONDON), and DUNSTON-ON-TYNE. 

Tallow Works : 

SYDNEY (Australia). 

Woollen Cloth Works: 

LIVINGSTONE MILL, BATLEY. 

Clothing Factories: 

HOLBECK (LEEDS), BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER), 
LONDON, AND PELAW-ON-TYNE. 

Cocoa and Chocolate Works : 
DALLOW ROAD, LUTON. 

Flour Mills: 

DUNSTON-ON-TYNE, SILVERTOWN (LONDON), OLDHAM, 
MANCHESTER, and AVONMOUTH (BRISTOL). 

Furniture, Bedding, and Cartwrighting Factories: 
BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER) and PELAW-ON-TYNE. 

Printing, Bookbinding, Boxmaking, and 

Lithographic Works : 

LONGSIGHT (MANCHESTER), PELAW-ON-TYNE, and LEICESTER. 

Preserve, Candied Peel, and Pickle Works, 

also Vinegar Brewery : 
MIDDLETON JUNCTION, near MANCHESTER. 

Preserve, 6-c., Works: 
READING. 

Shirts, Mantles, and Underclothing, Building and Traffic: 
BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER). 

Umbrella Making and Repairing : Men's Overalls and Shirts 
MANCHESTER. SHEFFIELD. 

188 



PRODUCTIVE WORKS AND DE?ARTMENTS-conti7tued, 

Tailoring, Shirts, Kerseys, Drugs, €rc.: 
PELAW-ON-TYNE. 

Leather Bag Making: Tailoring and Bedding: 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE. LONDON. 

Bacon Factories: 
TRALEE (Ireland) and HERNING (Denmark). 

Lard Refineries: 
WEST HARTLEPOOL and IRLAM. 

Tobacco, Cigar, Cigarette, and Snuff Factory: 

SHARP STREET, MANCHESTER. 

Flannel and Blanket Factories: 
HARE HILL MILLS, LITTLEBORO'. 

Corset Factories: Hosiery, drc. Factory: 

DESBOROUGH and KETTERING. HUTHWAITE, NOTTS. 

Tea Gardens: 
CEYLON AND SOUTHERN INDIA. 

Weaving Sheds: Brush and Mat Works: 

BURY AND RADCLIFFE. HUNSLET, LEEDS. 

Fruit, drc. Farms: 

RODEN (Sheopshire), HARDEN (Hereford), WISBECH (Cambs.), 

and WITHGILL (Lancs.). 

General Hardware, Bedstead, Wire Mattress, and 
Tinplate Works : 
DUDLEY, BIRTLEY, and KEIGHLEY. 

Butter Factory : 
BRISLINGTON, BRISTOL. 

Paint, Varnish, and Colour Works: 

ROCHDALE. 

Scales Departments: 

MANCHESTER, NEWCASTLE, LONDON, BRISTOL, BIR^HNGHAM, 

LIVERPOOL, LEICESTER, NOTTINGHAM, and I^EEDS. 

Engineering and Power Station: 

TRAEFORD park, MANCHESTER. 
189 



SHIPOWNERS AND SHIPPERS 

BETWEEN 

GARSTON AND ROUEN; MANCHESTER AND ROUEN. 



STEAMSHIPS OWNED BY THE SOCIETY 

"FRATERNITY," "NEW PIONEER," "DINAH," 
AND "BRITON." 



BANKING DEPARTMENT. 

Agencies : 

THE LONDON COUNTY AND WESTMINSTER BANK LIMITED, 

LONDON, AND BRANCHES. 

THE MANCHESTER AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED, CORN 
EXCHANGE, MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES. 

THE NATIONAL PROVINCIAL BANK OF ENGLAND LIMITED, 
MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES. 

THE MANCHESTER AND LIVERPOOL DISTRICT BANK LIMITED, 
WITHY GROVE, MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES. 

THE LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE BANK LIMITED, 
MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES. 

THE UNION BANK OF MANCHESTER LIMITED, MANCHESTER, 
AND BRANCHES. 

THE LONDON CITY AND MIDLAND BANK LIMITED, CORNHILL, 
LONDON, AND BRANCHES. 

WILLIAMS DEACON'S BANK LIMITED, MANCHESTER, AND 
BRANCHES. 

BARCLAY AND CO. LIMITED, LONDON, AND BRANCHES. 

LLOYD'S BANK LIMITED, GREY STREET, NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 
AND BRANCHES. 

UNITED COUNTIES BANK LIMITED, BARNSLEY, AND BRANCHES. 

LONDON JOINT STOCK BANK LIMITED (Late York City and County 
Bank Limited), YORK, AND BRANCHES. 

UNION OF LONDON AND SMITH'S BANK LIMITED, BARNSLEY, 
AND BRANCHES. 

CAPITAL AND COUNTIES BANK LIMITED, LONDON, 

AND BRANCHES. 

PARRS BANK LIMITED, MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES. 

NORTHAIVJPTONSHIRE UNION BANK LIMITED, RUSHDEN, 

AND BRANCHES. 

WEST YORKSHIRE BANK LIMITED, HALIFAX, AND BRANCHES. 

LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN BANK LIMITED AND BRANCHES. 

100 



THE COMMITTEE: 

ADAMS, Mr. THOMAS, 12, Park View, Stockton-on-Tees. 
ALLEN, Mr. THOMAS W., Edward VII. Avenue, Newport, Mon. 
COLEY, Mr. PHILIP, 22, Stansfield Street, Sunderland. 
DEANS, Mr. ADAM, "The Limes," Belle Grove, Welling, Kent. 
DUDLEY, Mr. WILLIAM E., Highlands Road, Runcorn. 
ELSEY, Mr. HENRY, " Bickleigh," Testing Grove, Testing Road, Southsea. 
ENGLISH, Mr. JOSEPH, "Tynehohne," Birtley, R.S.O., Co. Durham. 
GRAHAM, Mr. EDWARD J., 65, Crown Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
GRAHAM, Mr. WILLIAM D., 123, Bede Burn Road, Jarrow-on-Tyne. 
GRINDROD, Mr. EMMANUEL, 15, Holker Street, Keighlsy. 
HAYHURST, Mr. GEORGE, " Hamelddn," Manchester Road, Accrington. 
HEMINGWAY, Mr. WASHINGTON, 108, Bolton Road, Pendleton, 

Manchester. 
HENSON, Mr. THOMAS J., " Burrington," 11, Weatheroak Road, Sparkhill, 

Birmingham. 
HOLT, Mr. ROBERT, "Brier Crest," Deeplish Road, Rochdale. 
JOHNS, Mr. JOHN E., "Glen Aber," 3, Brunswick Hill, Reading. 
KILLON, Mr. THOMAS, 7, Tenterden Street, Bury. 
KING, Mr. JOHN W., 15. Petteril Street, Carlisle. 

LANDER, Mr. WILLIAM, " Homeside," Lake Road, Ansdell, Lytham. 
MARSHALL, Mr. CHARLES, 33, Wentworth Road, York. 
Mc.INNES, Mr. DUNCAN, Hamilton Road, Lincoln. 
MOORHOUSE, Mr. THOMAS E., Reporter Office, Delph. 
MORT, Mr. ISAAC, 233, High Road, Leyton, Essex. 
PARKES, Mr. MILES, 16, Heathfield Avenue, Crewe. 
PINGSTONE, Mr. HENRY C, "Yew Bank," Brook Road, Heaton Chapel, 

Manchester. 
SHILLITO, Mr. JOHN (President), 4, Park View, Hopwood Lane, Halifax. 
SHOTTON, Mr. THOMAS E., 28, Grosvenor Drive, Whitley Bay. 
THORPE, Mr. GEORGE, 6, Northfield, Highroyd, Dewsbury. 
THREADGILL, Mr. ARTHUR E., 4, Sherfield Road, Grays, Essex. 
TWEDDELL, Mr. TJIO^lASf Vice-President), " Lyndenhurst," Hutton Avenue, 

West Hartlepool. 
WILKINS, Mr. HENRY J. A., 35, Hamilton Gardens, Mutley, Plymouth. 
WOODHOUSE, Mr. GEORGE, " The Laurels," 27, Renals Street, Derby. 
YOUNGS, Mr. HENRY J., 6, Portland Place, Old Palace Road, Norwich. 



SCRUTINEERS : 

Mr. J. J. BARSTOW, Dewsbury. 

Mr. E. PROCTER (Moorside), Swinton. 



AUDITORS : 

Mr. THOS. J. BAYLIS, Masborough. I Mr. C. J. BECKETT, Darwen. 
Mr. THOMAS WOOD, Manchester. I Mr. B. TETLOW, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Mr. JOHN SMITH, Middlesbrough. . 

191 



OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY. 



Secretary and Accountant: 
Mr. T. BBODRICK. 

Joint Insurance (late C.I.S 

Mr. J. ODGERS. 



Bank Manager and Cashier : 
Mr. T. GOODWIN. 



BUYERS, SALESMEN, £rc. 

Manchester — Grocery and Provisions: 

Mr. J. MARTIN. i Mr. L. WILSON. 

Mr. A. W. LOBB. | Mr. J. HOLDEN. 
Mr. R. TURNER. 

Manchester — Paper, Twine, &-c. 

Mr. H. WIGGINS. 

Manchester — Drapery : 



Mr. J. C. FODEN. 
Mr. G. TOMLINSON. 
Mr. J. BLOMELEY. 
Mr. J. BOWDEN. 
Mr. E. LEES. 
Mr. E. C. REVETT. 
Mr. J. D. BALL. 
Mr. W. SWINDALE. 



Mr. J. EDE. 
Mr. H. MOORE S. 
Mr. R. H. FOGG. 
Mr. J. LOGAN. 
Mr. J. E. KNIGHT. 
Mr. F. LOCKWOOD. 
Mr. S. BOLTON. 



Manchester — Woollens, Boots, and Furniture : 

WooUens, Ready-mades, and Outfitting Mr. W. GIBSON. 

Woollens Mr. G. WOODALL. 

Men's and Youths' Ready-mades Mr. W. BOOTH. 

Juvenile Clothing Mr. R. C. PEARSON. 

Gent's Outfitting Mr. T. LEWTY. 

Gent's Bespoke Tailoring Mr. J. A. HOLLAND. 

Boots and Shoes and Saddlery Mr. H. JACKSON. 

General Furnishing Mr. T. R. ALLEN. 

Furniture and Hardware Mr. F. E. HOWARTH. 

Shipping Department: Export Department: 

Mr. A. E. MENZIES. Mr. C. BOOTH. 

Coal Department: 

Mr. S. ALLEN. 

Manchester, Leeds, Newcastle, Stockton, Beeston, and Rotherham 
Hides and Skins Mr. G. TURNER. 

Pontefract : 

Fellmongering Mr. G. TURNER. 

Fat and Bones .^ Mr. P. S. WILSON. 

Shipping and Forwarding Depots: 

Rouen (France) Mr. J. MARQUIS. 

Goole Mr. E. W. RAPER. 

192 



BUYERS, SALESMEN, ^c. -continued. 

London : 
Tea and Coffee Mr. W. B. PRICE. 

Luton : 
Cocoa and Chocolate Mr. E. J. STAFFORD. 

Liverpool : 
Grocery and Provisions Mr. W. L. KEWLEY. 

Salerooms : 

Leeds Mr. W. POLLARD. 

Nottingham Mr. A. DELVES. 

Huddersfield Mr. J. O'BRIEN. 

Birmingham Mr. J. BARLOW. 

Blackburn Mr. H. SHELMERDINE. 

Longton : 

Crockery Depot Mr. J. RHODES. 

Birmingham : 
Cycle Depot ' Mr. H. H. BAILEY. 

Newcastle : 

Chief Clerk Mr. H. R. BAILEY. 

Grocery and Provisions Mr. R. WILKINSON. 

Mr. T. WEATHERSON. 

Greengrocery Mr. J. ATKINSON. 

Drugs, Drysaltery, &c Mr. R. A. WALLIS. 

Paper, Twine, &c Mr. H. GLENNY. 

Dress Mr. J. LEE. 

Manchester and Greys Mr. W. STODDART. 

Hosiery, Haberdashery, Mercery, Millinery, Fancy,) ,,■ ^ mrw^T^ic 

and Mantles [ ^^- ^- -L^WWb. 

WooUens and Ready-mades Mr. J. THOMPSON. 

Boots and Shoes Mr. 0. JACKSON. 

Furniture, Carpets, and Hardware Mr. J. W. TAYLOR. 

Jewellery, Fancy Goods, and Saddlery Mr. H. H. BAILEY. 

Coal Mr. E. NELSON. 

Cattle Mr. E. JONES. 

London : 

Chief Clerk Mr. W. E. S. COCK. 

Grocery and Provisions Mr. W. OPENSHAW. 

Manchester, Greys, Mercery, Haberdashery, and Hosiery Mr. F. G. WADDINGTON. 

Millinery, Dress, Fancy, and Mantles Mr. J. W. FORSTER. 

WooUens and Ready-mades Mr. G. HAY. 

Boots and Shoes Mr. A. PARTRIDGE. 

Furnishing Mr. F. LING. 

Coal Mr. J. BURGESS. 

193 



BUYERS, SALESMEN, ^c— continued. 



Chief Clerk 

Grocery and Provisions . . . 

Fancy Drapery 

Heavy Drapery 

Woollens and Ready-mades 

Boots and Shoes 

Furnishing 

Brislington Factory 



Bristol Depot 



Grocery and Provisions 

Fancy Drapery . . . . 

Heavy Drapery 



Grocery and Provisions 
Drapery 



Cardiff Depot: 
Northampton Depot 



Mr. J. WHITE. 
Mr. J. W. JUSTHAM. 
Mr. E. H. FLUDE. 
Mr. W. F. JAMES. 
Mr. G. H. BARNES. 
Mr. W. WALFORD. 
Mr. C. HOULGATE. 
Mr. 0. THOMAS. 



Mr. J. F. JAMES. 
Mr. E. H. FLUDE. 
Mr. W. P. JAMES. 



Mr, A. BAKER. 
Mr. G. PEARSON. 



IRISH DEPOTS: 

BUTTER AND EGGS, ALSO BACON FACTORY. 

Tralee : 
Mr. J. J. McCarthy. 



Limerick: 
Mr. P. HURLEY 



Cork: 

Mr. J. TURNBULL. 



Armagh: 
Mr. P. O'NEILL. 



Tralee Bacon Factory: 

Mr. J. ROBINSON. 

COLONIAL AND FOREIGN DEPOTS 



New York (America) : 

Mr. J. GLEDHILL. 

Copenhagen (Denmark): 
Mr. W. DILWORTH, June. 

Aarhus (Denmark) : 

Mr. H. J. W. MADSEN. 

Gothenburg (Sweden) : 

Mr. W. JOHNSON. 

Montreal (Canada): 

Mr. A. C. WIELAND. 

Odense (Denmark) : 

Mr. C. W. KIRCHHOFF. 

Esbjerg (Denmark) : 
Mr. H. C. KONGSTAD. 



Herning (Denmark): 
Mr. A. MADSEN. 

Denia (Spain) : 
Mr. W. J. PIPER. 

Ceylon : 

Colombo (Joint C.W.S. and S.C.W.S.), 

Mr. G. PRICE. 

Southern India: 

Wynaad, near Madras (Joint C.W.S. 
and S.C.W.S.), Mr. G. BENZIE. 

West Africa: 
Makene, Mr. A. R RICHARDS. 
Freetown, Mr. J. R. COCKSEY. 
Accra (Joint C.W.S. and S.C.W.S.), 

Mr. H. A. PEARCE. 



194 



MANAGERS, PRODUCTIVE, Src, WORKS. 



Architect Mr. P. E. L. HABRIS, aji.i.b.a. 

AvoNMOUTH Flour Mill Mr. A. H. HOBLEY. 

Batley Woollen Cloth Works. Mr. S. BOOTHROYD. 

BiRTLEY TiNPLATE WORKS Mr. A. THORP. 

Brodqhton Cabinet Factory Mr. F. E. HOWARTH. 

Broughton Clothing Factory Mr. A. GRIERSON. 

Brodghton Mantle Factory Mr. J. G. HARRI-SON. ' 

Broughton Shirt Factory Mr. J. EDE. 

Broughton Underclothing Factory Mr. R. KERSHAW. 

Building Department Mr. H. TOWNLEY. -..jc, 

Bury Weaving Shed Mr. H. BLACKBURN, ., 

Crumpsall Biscuit, &c., Works Mr. G. BRILL. 

Desborough Corset Factory Mr. P. THOMAS. 

Dudley General Hardware Works Mr. J. ROUND. 

DuNSTON Flour Mill Mr. T. PARKINSON. 

DuNSTON Soap Works Mr. R. BRODRIGK. 

Engineer )^ t, j pacc 

Engineering and Power Station, Trafford Park. J ^lAbfa. 

Heckmondwike Boot and Shoe Works Mr. J. HAIGH. 

Huthwaite Hosiery Factory Mr. H. FRANCE. 

Irlam Soap,Candle, Glycerine, Lard, & Starch Wks. Mr. J. E. GREEN. 

Keighley Ironworks Mr. H. WHALLEY.: .. ; 

Leeds Brush and Mat Factory Mr. A. W. SAUNDERS.' 

Leeds Clothing Factory Mr. T. UTTLEY. 

Leeds Boot Factory Mr. J. HAIGH. 

Leicester Boot and Shoe Works Mr. T. E. HUBBARD. 

Leicester Printing and Boxmaking Works Mr. G. SPEAK. 

LiTTLEBORo' Flannel Factory Mr. W. H. GREENWOOD. 

London Clothing F.-' ctory Mr. G. BRYANT. 

Manchester Printing, Bookbinding, Boxmaking,] ,, ^ -dx>-c atst-c-o- 
and Lithographic Works f^'- ^- brearley. 

Manchester Tobacco, Cigar, Cigarette, and Snuff] ,^ t n n-o *r«/^ 
Factory } Mr. J. C. CRAGG. 

Manchester (Trafford Park) Provender Mill.. Mr. W. H. SLAWSON. 

Manchester (Trafford Park) Sun Flour Mill.. I ,, „. at a mm-o-ciTTiTa 

Oldham Star Flour Mill ^ Mr. W. MATTHEWS. 

Middleton Junction Preserve and Candied Peel) ^ ^^ j TrrkWA-Rn 
Works, ALSO Pickle Works and Vinegar Brewery j-^^" ^^' ''■ -ti*-'>'VA±cu. 

Pelaw Drug and Sundries Works Mr. R. A. WALLIS. 

Pelaw Cabinet and Cart weighting Works Mr. W. KERSHAW. 

Pelaw Engineering Works Mr. W. FLETCHER. 

Pelaw Printing Works Mr. C. GILHESPIE. 

Pelaw Tailoring Factory Mr. J. THOMPSON. 

Pelaw Kersey and Shirt Factory Mr. T. TOWNS. 

Radcliffe Weaving Sbed Mr. J. T. ROSTERN. 

Reading Preserve Works Mr. S. M. WEBSTER. 

Rochdale Paint, Varnish, and Colour Works .. Mr. P. KNOWLES. 

Rushden Boot and Shoe Works Mr. L. TYSOE. 

Scales Departments : Manchester, Newcastle, ] 
London, Bristol, Birmingham, Liverpool, - Mr. A. SHORE, 
Leicester, Nottingham, and Leeds j 

Sheffield Overall Factory Mr. J. EDE. 

SiLVERTOWN Flour Mill Mr. G. V. CHAPMAN. 

SiLVERTowN Packing Factory Mr. R. A. WALLIS. 

Sil\t:rtown Soap Works Mr. J. R. COWBURN. 

Sydney (Australia) Tallow Works Mr. L. MEGGITT. 

West Hartlepool Lard Factory Mr. W. HOLLAND. 

195 



EMPLOYES. 



NUMBER OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBER, 1914. 

Distributive Departments. 

General, Drapery, Woollens, Boot and Shoe, and Fur- 
nishing Offices Manchester 

Bank 

Architect's Office 

Grocery Department 

Old Trafford Wharf, Bacon and Coffee 

Paper, Twine, and Stationery Department Warehouse 

Drapery Department 

Woollen Cloth Department 

Boot and Shoe, and Saddlery Department 

Furnishing Department 

Coal 

Hides and Skins 

Building 

Dining-room 

Engineers' 

Scales 

Traffic 

Other Departments 



Collective 
Totals. 



728 
60 
36 

389 
84 
24 

237 

163 
83 

127 

9 

10 

013 
62 
57 
46 
63 
83 



3.264 



Branches. 



Newcastle Offices 147 

Boot and Shoe Department 30 

Drapery Department 209 



Furnishing „ 

Jewellery, &c., Department 

Provision Department 

Traffic „ 

Paper, &c., „ 

Coal „ 

Dining-room „ 

Laundry „ 

Building Department 

Woollens, &c., ,, 

Architect's ' ,, 

Dentistry „ 

Saddlery „ 

Cattle „ 

Grocery ,, 

Green Fruit „ 

Pelaw Drug „ 



90 
82 
39 
106 
32 

1 
21 

5 
62 
33 

8 

9 
34 

3 

43 

20 

490 



Carried forward 1,464 

Carried forward 3,264 



196 



NUMBER OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBER, 1914. 

CoUeotiye 
Totals. 

Brought forward 3,964 

Branches — continued. 

Brought forward 1,464 

Newcastle — Pelaw Cabinet Department 277 

„ „ Printing „ 189 

„ ,, Engineering „ 92 

„ Clothing „ 183 

„ „ Dining-room „ 6 

2,211 

London Ofl&ces 165 

„ Grocery Department 63 

„ Bacon „ 20 

„ Drapery „ 77 

Woollens „ 23 

„ Boot and Shoe Department 20 

„ Furnishing „ 30 

„ Coal Department 6 

„ Dining-room Department 27 

Building „ 239 

„ Engineers' „ 40 

Traffic „ 37 

Tailoring „ 125 

„ Joint Packing „ 36 

Other „ ' 23 

„ Silvertown Factory 450 

1,381 

Joint English and Scottish C.W.S. 

London Tea and Coffee Department 436 

LutoQ Cocoa Factory 271 

Tea Estates 1,031 

Lisurance Department (late C.I.S.) 250 

West Africa — Accra 2 

1.990 

Depots. 

Bristol 302 

Cardiff 107 

Northampton 36 

445 

PuBCHASiNG Depots. 

Goole 7 

Hull Bacon 5 

Liverpool Branch — Grocery and Shipping 96 

Longton Crockery 64 

Irish Branches and Creameries 107 

Tralee Bacon Factory 80 

Carried forward 359 

Carried forward 9,291 

197 



NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBEE, 1914. 

. . > ..<■ , Collective 

. . ; 'i' Totals. 

.;;/;: Brought forward 9,291 

Purchasing Depots - continued. 

Brought forward 359 

Leeds Hides and Skins 11 

Beeston „ „ 8 

Stockton,, „ .... 4 

Newcastle Hides and Skins 14 

Birmingham Cycle 10 

406 

Foreign and Colonial Purchasing Depots. 

New York 7 

Montreal 4 

Copenhagen 21 

Aarhus 15 

Gothenburg 12 

Odense 11 

Denia 3 

Herning 33 

Esbjerg 15 

West Africa — Freetown 4 

„ „ Makene 1 

126 

Salerooms. 

Leeds 5 

Nottingham 3 

Birmingham 2 

Huddersfield 4 

Blackburn 1 

15 

Shipping Offices. 

Garston 1 

Rouen 23 

24 

Steamships. 

" New Pioneer " 15 

" Fraternity" 15 

"Dinah" 3 

" Briton " 3 

36 

Productive Works. 

Avonmouth Flour Mill 107 

Batley WooUen Mill 260 

Birtley Tinplate Works 40 

Brislington Butter Factory 76 

Broughton Cabinet Factory 219 

„ o Mantle „ 308 

„'.0. Shirt „ 740 

„;. ; Tailoring „ 700 

Carried forward 2,450 

Carried forward 9,898 

198 



NUMBEK OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBEE, 1914. 

Collective 
Totals. 

Brought forward ^ 9,898 

Productive Works— con^inwed. 

Brought forward 2,460 

Broughton Underclothing Factory 135 

Bury Weaving Shed 343 

Orumpsall Biscuit Works 640 

Desboro' and Kettering Corset Factories 350 

Dudley Bucket* and Fender Works 157 

Dunston Corn Mill 177 

„ Soap W' orks 185 

Enderby Boot and Shoe Works 316 

Heckmondwike Currying Department 22 

Shoe Works 358 

Huthwaite Hosiery Factory 674 

Irlam Soap Works 965 

Keighley Ironworks 137 

Leeds Ready-Mades 1,236 

„ Brush Factory 242 

„ Shoe Works 203 

Leicester Shoe Works, Knighton Fields 1,308 

„ „ Duns Lane 477 

Printing Works 190 

Littleborough Flannel Factory 95 

Longsight Printing Works 1,180 

Manchester Millinery 35 

„ Tobacco Factory 738 

Sun Corn Mill 289 

„ „ Provender Mill 15 

Middleton Junction Preserve, Pickle, and Vinegar Works 686 

Oldham Star Corn Mill 98 

Pontefract Fellmongering 57 

Radclifie Weaving Shed 194 

Rochdale Paint, &c., W^orks 19 

Rushden Boot Factory 466 

Sheffield Shirt Factory 135 

Silvertown Corn Mill 112 

Soap Works 221 

Sydney Tallow Factory 53 

Wellingborough Closing and Legging Factory 135 

West Hartlepool Lard Refinery 25 

Wisbech Fruit Depot 24 

15,142 

Clitheroe Estate 7 

Coldham Farm, Wisbech 45 

Marden Fruit Farm 29 

Roden Estate 68 

„ Convalescent Home 12 

Total 25,201 

190 



MEETINGS AND OTHER COMING EVENTS 

IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOCIETY IN 1915 



^*^ 

Feb. 6 — Saturday Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving. 

Mar. 9 — Tuesday Voting Lists: Last day for receiving. 

„ 13 — Saturday .... Divisional Quarterly Meetings. 

„ 20 — Saturday General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester. 

May 8 — Saturday Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving. 

June 8 — Tuesday ....Voting Lists: Last day for receiving. 

„ 12 — Saturday Divisional Quarterly Meetings. 

„ 19 — Saturday .... General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester. 

„ 26 — Saturday Half-yearly Stocktaking. 

Aug. 7 — Saturday .... Nomination Lists : Last day for receiving. 
Sept. 7 — Tuesday Voting Lists : Last day for receiving. 

„ 11 — Saturday Divisional Quarterly Meetings. 

„ 18 — Saturday General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester. 

Nov. 6 — Saturday. ,. .Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving. 
Dec. 7 — Tuesday Voting Lists: Last day for receiving. 

„ 11 — Saturday Divisional Quarterly Meetings. 

„ 18 — Saturday General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester. 

„ 25— Saturday Half-yearly Stocktaking. 



200 



RECORD OF EVENTS IN C.W.S. HISTORY. 



Date. Events. 

1860 (Aug. 12) Tea Party and Discussion at Lowbands Farm, Jumbo, 

Committee appointed to prepare the way for 

federation. 

,, Conference at Oldham. 

,, (Oct. 7) Conference at Rochdale. 

,, (Dec. 25) The Committee formed at Jumbo reporfs to a Conference 

at Manchester. Further steps taken to alter the law. 

1861 (Mar. 29) Further Conference at Oldham. 

,, (June) The Co-operators' Bill introduced, but abandoned for the 

Session. 
,, (Dec. 25) Further Conference at Rochdale. 

1862 Industrial and Provident Societies Act passed. 

, , Midland Counties Co-operative Wholesale Industrial and 

Provident Society Limited established at Northampton. 

, , (Good Friday) . . " Northern Uni£)n of Co-operative Stores ' ' projected at 
Newcastle. 

1863 (April 3) Special Conference in Ancoats, Manchester. C.W.S. 

resolved upon. 
,, (June 8 and July 25) C.W.S. Rules drafted. 

,, (Aug. 11) C.W.S. legally enrolled. 

,, (Oct. 10) First Meeting after enrolment. 

,, (Nov. 21) First General Meeting of the C.W.S. Officers and 

Committee appointed. 

1864 (Mar. 14) C.W.S. commenced business, at 3, Cooper Street, 

Manchester. 
,, (May 21) C.W\S. Half-yearly Meeting in the Temperance Hall, 

^lanchester. Thirty-two Societies represented. 
,, (Nov.) C.W.S. removes to 28, Cannon Street, Manchester. 

Dividend of IJd. in the £ declared on purchases. 

1865 C.W.S. occupies premises at 53, Dantzic Street. 

1866 (April 24) Butter Buyer appointed, and Tipperary Depot opened. 

,, (April) Establishment of Newcastle Branch mooted. 

1867 (April 19) Insurance Conference at Downing Street, Manchester. 

,, Industrial and Provident Societies Act annuls the 

limitation of Societies' Investments. 
,, (June 8) Glasgow Conference to found Scottish C.W.S. English 

C.W.S. represented. 

,, (Aug. 29) Co-operative Insurance Company (Society) registered. 

,, (Nov. 16) Rules altered. Quarterly Meetings and Balance Sheets 

decided upon. Depreciation on Buildings commenced. 

Committee enlarged from seven to nine Members. 

Membership restricted to Retail Societies. 
,, The Grocer attempts to organise a boycott. 

1868 (June 1) Kilmallock Purchasing Depot opened. 

1869 (Mar. 1) First Balloon Street Warehouse opened. 

P 201 



Record of Events in C.W.S. History. 

Date. Events. 

1869 (May 81) First Co-operative Congress (present series) and 

Co-operative Exhibition held in London. 
,, (July 12) Limerick Depot opened. 

1870 (Good Friday).. Conference on Banking at Bury. 

,, (Aug.) Abraham Greenwood resigns the Chairmanship to become 

Cashier. Mr. James Crabtree elected Chairman. 
.,, Midland Counties Wholesale Society wound up. 

1871 A Southern C.W.S. proposed. 

, , Extension of Balloon Street Premises. 

,, Industrial and Provident Societies Act amended. 

,, (Feb. 18) Rules altered to allow of INIanufacturing. 

,, (Aug. 19) Newcastle Branch authorised. 

,, (Sept. 2) Co-operative Neivs commenced publication. 

1872 (May) Pudding Chare (Newcastle) Premises opened. 

,, Congress Discusses Banking. 

,, (May 18) First Steps towards Banking Department taken. 

,, (July 8) Industrial Bank (Newcastle) commenced. 

,, (Aug.) Manchester Boot and Shoe Department constituted. 

,, (Oct. 14) " Deposit and Loan Department " commenced. 

,, (Oct. 26) Conference at Banbury urges Wholesale to manufacture 

Boots. 
,, (Nov. 16) C.W.S. authorised to commence Production (Biscuits 

and Sweets and Boots and Shoes). 

,, (Nov. 16) "North of England" dropped from the Society's Title. 

,, (Nov. 16) C.W.S. adopts Profit-sharing. 

1873 Wreck of S.S. St. ColumBa leads to C.W.S. forming an 

Insurance Fund, 

,, Coal "Famine." 

,, (Jan. 13) Crumpsall Works purchased. 

,, (Feb. 11) Aberdare Society agitate for C.W.S. Depot at Cardiff or 

Bristol. 

,, (Feb. 15) London Branch discussed. 

,, (April 14) Armagh Depot opened. 

,, (May 17) Committee authorised to establish a London Branch. 

,, (June 2) Manchester Drapery Department commenced. 

,, (July 14) Waterford Dep6t opened. 

,, (Aug. 2) " United Coal Mining Society " formed. 

,, (Sept. 15) Leicester Boot and Shoe Works (Duns Lane) commenced. 

1874 (Jan. 22) Waterloo Street Warehouse (Newcastle) opened. 

,, (Feb. 2) Tralee Dep6t opened. 

,, (Mar. 9) London Branch opened in the Minories. 

,, (Mar.) Joint Action with Scottish C.W.S. begun. 

,, (May) Mr. James Crabtree retires from the Chairmanship. 

J. T. W. Mitchell succeeds. 

,, (Sept. 20) Durham Soap Works purchased. 

,, (Sept. 24) Rules altered to provide for Representation and 

Government of Branches. 

,, (Dec. 19) London Branch Committee appointed. 

,, (Dec.) Leicester Factory (Duns Lane) purchased. 

202 



Record oj Events in (.'.U..^. His lory. 

Date. Events. 

1875 (April 2) Liverpool Purchasing Department commenced. 

,, (June 15) Manchester Drapery Warehouse, Dantzic Street, opened. 

1876 (Feb. 21) New York Depdt established. 

(May 24) S.S. Plover purchased. 

(July 16) Manchester Furnishing Department commenced. 

(Sept.) Transfer of Industrial Bank contemplated. 

(Oct. 5) Industrial Bank fails. 

(Nov. 25) Special Conference re C.W.S. attitude towards Industrial 

Bank and Ouseburn Works. C.W.S. exonerated from 
blame. 

, , Industrial and Provident Societies Act legalises Banking. 

C.W.S. "Loan and Deposit" Department becomes 
the " Banking Department." , 

1877 (Jan. 15) Cork Dep6t established. 

,, First Drapery Traveller sent out. 

,, (April) "United Coal Mining Society" fails. Bugle Horn 

Colliery taken over by CW.S. 

1879 (Jan. 18) Garston Forwarding Depot commenced. 

,, (Feb. 21) S.S. Pioneer launched. 

,, (Mar. 24) Eouen Dep6t opened. 

,, (June 30) Goole Forwarding Depot opened. 

, , (July 19) Foundation Stone of London Warehouse, Hooper Square, 

laid by Judge Hughes. 
,, Industrial Depression. Decrease in Sales. 

1880 (Jan. 1) C.W.S. 4 nnuaZ first issued. 

„ (June 30) S.S. Plover sold. 

,, (Aug. 14) ,. Heckmondwike Boot and Shoe Works commenced. 

1881 (Jan. 12)., Leman Street (London) Premises opened. 

,, S.S. Cambrian purchased. 

,, (June 6) Copenhagen Depot opened. 

,, (July 30) Conference at Wakefield asks for Yorkshire Branch of 

C.W\S. 

1882 (Mar.) Bugle Horn Colliery sold. 

,, (May) Dining-room, Balloon Street, opened. 

,, (Oct. 31) Leeds Saleroom opened. 

,, (Nov. 1) Tea Department, London, commenced. 

1883 (Feb. 10) Conference at Plymouth on a Western C.W.S. Branch. 

,, (July) Direct Cargo of Tea for C.W.S. comes from China. 

,, S.S. Maria^ine Br iggs bought and Te-nsLTaed Unity. 

,, (Nov. 3) Rules altered : General and Branch Committees enlarged. 

1884 (April-June) ... First Deputation to America. 

, , (Sept. 13) Commemoration of the Society's Twenty -first Anniversary 

at Newcastle-on-Tyne and London. 

,, (Sept. 20) Commemoration at Manchester. 

,, (Sept. 29) Bristol Depdt commenced business. 

,, (Oct. 6) S.S. Progress launched. 

,, Hamburg Dep6t opened. 

1885 (Aug. 25) Huddersfield Saleroom opened. 

,, (Dec. 30) Fire at the London Tea Department. 






Record of Events in C.W.S. History. 

Date. Events. 

1886 (April 22) Nottingham Saleroom opened. 

,, (Aug. 25) Longton Dep6t opened. 

,, (Aug.) C.W.S. Buyer first visits Greece. 

,, (Oct. 12) S.Q. Federation lunnched. 

,, (Dec. 4) Cloth Making, Flour Milling, and Cocoa Manufacture 

authorised. 
1887 £20,000 invested in Ship Canal. 

,, (Mar. 14) Batley Mill commenced. 

,, (June) Pepper Grinding commenced. 

,, (Aug. 29) Heckmondwike Currying Department commenced. 

,, (Oct.) Employes' Sick and Burial Club instituted. 

,, (Nov. 2) — Manufacture of Cocoa and Chocolate commenced. 

,,• (Nov. 2) London (Leman Street) New Premises opened. 

1888 Enderby Boot Factory opened. 

,, (July) ^.S. Equity launched. 

,, (July) Irish Co-operative Aid Association formed. 

1889 '.. C.W.S. take Shares in First Irish Dairy Society 

registered — Dromcollogher. 
,, (Oct. 21) First C.W.S. Dried Fruit Sale held at Liverpool. 

1890 (May 16) Blackburn Saleroom opened. 

,, (June 10) Leeds Clothing Factory commenced. 

,, (Oct. 22) Northampton Saleroom opened. 

1891 (Mar. 7) First Divisional Meetings held. 

,, (Mar. 14) Land Purchased at Broughton. 

,, (April 18) Dunston Corn Mill opened. 

,, (June) Site for Irlam Works purchased. 

,, (June 20) Profit-sharing finally rejected. 

,, (Oct. 22) Cardiff Saleroom opened. 

,, (Nov. 4) Leicester Wheatsheaf Works opened. 

,, • (Nov. 4) Aarhus Depot opened. 

1892 (April 9) Special Meetings endorse Committee's policy on 

Insurance Fund. 

,, (April 16) Coal Conference at Balloon Street. 

,, (May 5) Birmingham Saleroom opened. 

,, (Dec. 17 and 21) Newcastle Branch Coming-of-Age Celebrations. 

1893 (May 8) Broughton Cabinet Factory opened. 

1894 (Jan. 1) Ship Canal opened for Trafftc. S.S. Pioneer first 

Merchant Vessel to reach Manchester from oversea. 

,, (June) Montreal Depot established. 

, , (Oct . 2) Irlam Works opened . 

,, (Dec. 8) Quarterly Meetings endorse Committee's policy on 

Depreciation. 

1895 Broughton Tailoring Factory commenced. 

,, (Jan. 23) Printing Department commenced. 

,, (Mar. 9) First C.W.S. Creamery (Castlemahon) acquired. 

,, (Mar. 16) Death of J. T. W. Mitchell. 

,, Mr. J. Shi-llito elected Chairman. 

,, (April 24) London Branch Coming-of-Age Celebrations. 

,, (June) Durham Soap Works closed. 

204 



Record of Events in C.W.S. History. 

Date. Events. 

1895 (Aug. 5) Gothenburg Depot opened. 

,, (Oct.) S.S. Cui/y run down and sunk in River Seine. 

1896 (Jan. 2) Architect's Department formed, 

,, (April 24) West Hartlepool Lard Refinery purchased. 

,, (June 13) Roden Estate purchased. 

,, (June 26) Middleton Jam Works commenced. 

,, (July 1) The Wheatsheaf &Tst published. 

,, Denia Depot opened. 

,, Broughton Mantle, Shirt, and Underclothing Factories 

opened. 

1897 (Feb. 10) Northampton (Guildhall Road) Premises opened. 

,, (Mar. 1) Broughton New Tailoring Factory opened. 

,, (Mar. 22) London Tea Department New Premises opened, 

,, (Aug. 7) Sydney Dep6t commenced. 

,, (Sept. 11) Conmiittee authorised to tender for Government and 

Municipal Supplies. 

1898 (Mar. 12) Tobacco Factory (Manchester) purchased. 

,, (April 1) Littleborough Flannel Mill acquired. 

,, (June 11) Quarterly Meetings agree to Augmentation of Insurance 

Fund. 

, , (June 26) Odense Depot opened . 

,, (July 11)... Longsight Printing W^orks comjnenced. 

,, (Oct. 20) Corset Making commenced. 

,, (Dec. 10) Half-yearly Stocktakings commenced. 

,, (Dec. 10) Rules altered to extend C.W.S. Insurance Business. 

1899 (June 10) Newcastle Branch Quarterly Meeting first held at West 

Blandford Street. 

„ (June 25) C.W.S. Di\-idend rises to 4d. 

,, (Dec. 16) Rushden Boot Factory purchased. 

1900 (Jan. 19) Herning Bacon Factory purchased. 

,, (April 14) Silvertown Flour Mills opened. 

1901 (April 30) Sydney Tallow Factory purchased. 

, , (July 27) Roden Convalescent Home opened . 

,, (Aug.-Nov.) Coal Conferences. C.W.S. Coal-mining recommended. 

,, (Sept.) Bute Terrace (Cardiff) Premises opened. 

,, (Sept. 3) Tralee Bacon Factory commenced. 

,, Tax of 4s. 2d. placed on Sugar. 

1902 (April 9) ......... Pershore Street (Birmingham) New Premises opened, 

and Cycle Depot established. 

, , (April 25) Fire at Newcastle Branch. 

,, (May 1) Work commenced at Pelaw Drug Factory. 

,, (June 21) Nugawella and Weliganga (Ceylon) Tea Estates 

purchased. 

,, (Sept. 8) Luton Cocoa Works opened. 

,, (Sept.) Work commenced at Pelaw Cabinet Factory. 

,, (Nov. 1) Launch of S.S. Unity (H.). 

1903 (June 20) Trafford ^Vharf and land purchased. 

,, (July 1) Leicester Hosiery Factory taken over. 

,, (Oct. 24) Launch of S.S. Fraternity. 

205 



Record of Events in C.W.S. History. 

Date. Events. 

1904 London Brushmaking transferred to Leeds. 

,, (Jan. 25) Employes start Thrift Fund. 

,, (Feb. 20) Marden JPruit Farm purchased. 

,, (April 18) New Drapery Buildings (Manchester) opened. 

,, (June 20) Brislington Butter Factory commenced. 

,, (June 20) C.W.S. Committee report against buying-CoUieries. Coal 

Department re-organised. 

,, (July 1) Huddersfield Brush Factory taken over. 

,, Collective Life Assurance instituted by C.I.S. 

,, Silvertown Grocery Productive Factory built. 

1905 (Feb. 15) Weaving commenced at Bury. 

,, (June 17) Special'^Committee on C.W.S. Constitution appointed. 

,, (July 3) Desborough Corset Factory opened. 

,, (Sept. 5) Esbjerg Dep6t opened. 

,, (Oct. 26) Launch of S.S. Neiv Pioneer. 

1906 (Jan. 1) Rochdale Flour Mill taken over. 

,, (Mar. 31) Star^Mill (Oldham) taken over. 

,, (April 28) Sun Flour Mill bought. 

,, (May 16) Broad Quay (Bristol) Premises opened. 

,, (July 21) Report of Special Committee adopted. Unification of 

General and Branch Committees. 
,, (Oct. 11 to Nov. 23) " Soap Trust " Agitation. 

,, (Dec.) East Coast Shipping Department closed. 

,, (Dec. 15) Land and Buildings Purchased for Leeds New Brush 

Works. 

1907 Output of C.W.S. Soap increased by one-third over 1906. 

,, C.W.S. House - building Scheme (Bank Advances — 

instituted 1897, suspended 1901) re-opened. 
,, (June 15) Grants by Committee to Employes' Thrift Fund 

approved. 

,, (Aug.) Minimum Wage extended to all Adult Male Employes. 

,, (Sept. 14) Mitchell Memorial Hall opened. 

,, (Oct. 1) Huddersfield New Saleroom opened. 

,, (Nov. 9) Special Insurance Conference at Middlesbrough. C.W.S. 

urged to take action. 

1908 (Feb. 4) Huthwaite Hosiery Factory commenced. 

,, (May 18) Silvertown Soap Works opened. 

,, (June 29) Keighley Ironworks, Dudley Bucket and Fender Works, 

and Birtley Tinplate Works taken over. 
,, Sugar Tax Reduced to Is. lOd. 

1909 (Jan. 16) Irish Creamery Conference. C.W.S. agree to transfer 

Creameries. 

,, (Feb. 15) Dunston-on-Tyne Soap Works opened. 

,, (Feb. 22) Pontefract Fellmongering commenced. 

,, (April 5) Leicester Printing Works commenced. 

1910 (April) Individual Deposits accepted by C.W.S. Bank. 

,, (April 27) Avonmouth Flour Mill opened. 

,, (July 19) Leman Street (London) Extensions opened. 

,, (Dec. 17) SpecialMeetingsendorseCommittee'spolicy on Insurance. 

206 



Record of Events in C.W.S. History. 

Date. Events. 

1911 (Oct. 18) Hearing of the case Masbro' Equitable Co-operative 

Society Limited v. Lever Bros. Limited and Benjamin 
Brooke and Co. Limited. C.W.S. defends. Judgment 
for defendants. 

,, (Dec. 1) Rochdale Paint Works commenced. 

1912(Feb.29toMar.2) Plaintiffs' Appeal in Soap Case dismissed. 

(Mar, 16) Land Bought for Leeds Boot and Shoe Works. 

(July 3) C.W.S. Health Insurance Section formed. 

(Aug. 6) Wisbech Estate purchased. 

(Aug. 12) Radcliffe Weaving Shed couMnenced. 

(Dec. 21) Transfer of Co-operative Insurance Society agreed to by 

C.W.S. Quarterly Meetings. 

,, (Dec. 21) Delegates recommend Adoption of Minixnum Wage for 

Girl and Women Workers on the "Congress" Scale. 

1913 (Jan. 20) Sheffield Shirt Factory opened. 

, , Denmark (Ceylon) Tea Estate purchased. 

,, Lower Barcaple and Westhall (Ceylon) Tea Estates 

purchased. 

,, (Sept. 13) Clitheroe Estates purchased. 

,, (Sept. 13 & 20). The Society celebrates its Jubilee. 

„ (Sept. 26) First Food Ship (S.S. Hare) left Ship Canal for Dublin. 

,, Depot at Makene (Sierra Leone) established. 

1914 South Wynaad (Southern India) Tea Estates purchased. 

, Depot at Accra (Gold Coast) established. 

,, Freetown (Sierra Leone) Trading Store opened. 




207 



LIST OF TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESSES, 



Armagh Depot: "WHOLESALE, ARMAGH." 

AvoNMOUTH Flour Mill: "WHOLESALE, AVONMOUTH." 

Batley Woollen Mill: "WHOLESALE, BATLEY." 

Beeston Hide and Skin Department: "WHOLESALE, BEESTON, 

NOTTS." 
Birmingham Cycle Depot: "CO-OPERATE, BIRMINGHAM." 
Birmingham Saleroom: "CO-OPERATE, BIRMINGHAM." 
BiRTLEY TiNPLATE WoRKS : "WHOLESALE, BIRTLEY." 
Blackburn Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, BLACKBURN." 
Brislington Butter Factory: "FACTORY, BRISLINGTON." 
Bristol Dep6t : "WHOLESALE, BRISTOL." 

Bboughton Cabinet Factory: "CO-OPERATOR, MANCHESTER." 
Broughton Shirt, Underclothing, and Mantle Factory : 

"JACKETS, MANCHESTER." 
Broughton Tailoring Factory: "TAILORING, MANCHESTER." 
Bury Weaving Shed: "WHOLESALE, BURY." 
Cardiff Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, CARDIFF." 

Cardiff Co-operative Insurance Society : " COLLECTIVE, CARDIFF." 
Central, Manchester: "WHOLESALE, MANCHESTER." 
Cork Dep6t: "WHOLESALE, CORK." 
Crumpsall Works : "BISCUIT, MANCHESTER." 
Desboro' Corset Factory: "WHOLESALE, DESBORO'." 
Dudley Bucket Works: "WHOLESALE, DUDLEY." 
Dunston-on-Tyne Soap Works: "SOAP, DUNSTON-ON-TYNE." 
Dunston-on-Tyne Corn Mill: "WHOLESALE, GATESHEAD." 
GooLE Dep6t: "WHOLESALE, GOOLE." 

Hartlepool Lard Refinery: " WHOLESALE, WEST HARTLEPOOL." 
Heckmondwike Shoe Works: "WHOLESALE, HECKMONDWIKE." 
Huddersfield Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, HUDDERSFIELD." 
Hull Bacon : " WHOLESALE, HULL." 

HuTHWAiTE Hosiery Factory: "WHOLESALE, HUTHWAITE." 
Irlam Soap Works: "WHOLESALE, CADISHEAD." 
Keighlby Ironworks: "WHOLESALE, KEIGHLEY." 
Leeds Brush Factory: "BROOMS, LEEDS." 
Leeds Ready-Mades Factory: "SOCIETY, LEEDS." 
Leeds Shoe Works: "SYSTEM, LEEDS." 
Leeds Sale and Sample Rooms: "WHOLESALE, LEEDS." 
Leeds Hide and Skin Department: "SKINS, LEEDS." 
Leicester Printing Works: "TYPOGRAPHY, LEICESTER." 
Leicester Shoe Works : " WHOLESALE, LEICESTER." 
Limerick Depot: "WHOLESALE, LIMERICK." 
Liverpool Office and Warehouse: "WHOLESALE, LIVERPOOL." 

208 



LIST OF TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESSES-continued. 

London Branch: " WHOLESALE (ALD.*), LONDON." 

London Tea Department: "LOOMIGER (ALD.*), LONDON." 

London Co-operati\t: Insurance Society: "CENTRICAL, WESTCENT, 

LONDON." 
LoNQSiGHT PBiNTmG WoRKS : "TYPOGRAPHY, MANCHESTER." 
LoNGTON Crockery Depot : " WHOLESALE, LONGTON (STAFFS.)." 
Luton Cocoa Works: "WHOLESALE, LUTON." 
Manchester Central: "WHOLESALE, MANCHESTER." 
Manchester Co-operati^t: Insurance Society : " COLLECTIVE, 

MANCHESTER." 
Manchester Hide and Skin Department: "SKINS, MANCHESTER." 
Manchester Sun Mill: "SUNLIKE, MANCHESTER." 
Manchester Tobacco Factory: "TOBACCO, MANCHESTER." 
Marden Fruit Fap^ : "WHOLESALE, MARDEN, HEREFORD." 
MiDDLETON Preserve Works: "WHOLESALE, :^^DDLETON 

JUNCTION." 
Newcastle Branch : "WHOLESALE, NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE." 
Newcastle Co-operative Insurance Society : " COLLECTIVE, 

NEWCASTLE." 
Newcastle Branch, Pelaw: "WHOLESALE, BILL-QUAY." 
Newcastle Branch, Cattle Department: "KYLOE, NEWCASTLE." 
Newcastle Branch, Greengrocery (Stowell Street) : " LOYALTY, 

NEWCASTLE." 
Northampton Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, NORTHAMPTON." 
Nottingham Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, NOTTINGHAM." 
Oldham Star Mill: "STAR, OLDHAIVL" 

PoNTEFRACT Fellmongering : "WHOLESALE, PONTEFRACT." 
Radcliffe Weaving Shed: "WHOLESALE, RADCLIFFE." 
Rochdale Paint Works: " W^HOLESALE, ROCHDALE." 
Roden Estate: " W^HOLESALE, RODEN." 
RusHDEN Boot Works : "WHOLESALE, RUSHDEN." 
Sheffield Shirt Factory: "OVERALLS, SHEFFIELD." 
SiLVERTOWN Flour Mill: "CO-OPERATIF (SILVER.*), LONDON." 
Silvertown Productive: "PRODUCTIVO (SILVER.'), LONDON." 
SiLVERTOWN Soap Works: "OPERSAPO (SILVER.*), LONDON." 
Tralee Bacon Factory: "BACON, TRALEE." 
Tralee Depot: "WHOLESALE, TRALEE." 
Wisbech Fbuit Depot: "WHOLESALE, WISBECH." 

The words " Aid." and " Silver." being indicator words are transmitted free. 



209 



TELEPHONIC COMMUNICATION. 



Our Premises in the following towns are directly connected 
with the Local Telephone System : — 



MANCHESTER- 



Nos. 

-GENERAL OFFICES 

DRAPERY DEPARTMENT 

BOOT AND SHOE DEPARTMENT , 

FURNISHING DEPARTMENT I 61, 

*CRUMPSALL 'City. 

t*LONGSIGHT 

*TOBAGCO 

*BROUGHTON CABINET WORKS, &c 

JOINT INSURANCE DEPARTMENT City I ^^g^ 

NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE DEPT... „ 7784 

HIDE AND SKIN DEPARTMENT Central 5180 

POMONA DOCK „ 4608 

NEWCASTLE— WATERLOO STREET AND 

WEST BLANDFORD STREET.. Post Office 284 

WEST BLANDFORD STREET 1787 

1260 

}> >> >> lyoif 

2506 

2507 

498 

CATTLE 1989 

SADDLERY DEPT. (West Blandford Street) 2116 

GREENGROCERY DE PT. (Stowell Street) . . Central 1524 

(New Bridge Street) 2463 

QUAYSIDE WAREHOUSE— CROCKERY 1304 

GROCERY Central 564 

PELAW WORKS Gateshead 121 

„ „ Newcastle 2806 

HIDES AND SKINS (St. Andrew's Street) 2907 

ARCHITECT'S (Westmorland Road) City 478 

DENTISTRY ,, ,, ,, 335 

INSURANCE DEPT. ,, ,, ,, 2826 

LONDON— GENERAL OFFICE ^ 

GROCERY SALEROOM 

DRAPERY 

GROVE STREET 

READY-MADES » \ Avenue 

TEA DEPARTMENT f 7100. 

GENERAL OFFICE 

FURNISHING AND BOOT DEPARTMENT 

BUILDING AND ENGINEERING DEPARTMENT . 

TRAFFIC 

JOINT INSURANCE DEPARTMENT City ]698 

AVONMOUTH FLOUR MILL 51 & 52 

BATLEY 101 

BEESTON HIDE AND SKIN DEPARTMENT 55 

BIRMINGHAM CYCLE DEPOT Midland 838 

BIRMINGHAM SALEROOM „ 838 

BIRTLEY TINPLATE WORKS 15 

BRISTOL (Private Exchange) 1913 



* Sub. to Manchester General Offices. 
210 



i Also 1057, Rusholme. 



TELEPHONIC COMMUNICATION— ccmiinued. 

N08. 

BRISTOL (Private Exchange) 1914 

„ „ 1915 

,, ,, 1916 

,, ,, 1917 

;;/.*.*.'.'. ..; „ „ 1918 

BRISLINGTON Bristol 1643 

BURY 179 

CARDIFF (3 lines) 4615 

CO-OPERATIVE INSURANCE SOCIETY 2857 

DESBOROUGH CORSET FACTORY 22 

DUDLEY BUCKET WORKS 22 

DUNSTON FLOUR MILL Central 1182 

,, 1183 

SOAP WORKS Gatrshead 426 

„ „ Dunston 11 

ENDERBY Narboro' 32 

GARSTON 6 

GOOLE 2 

HECKMONDWIKE 112 

HUDDERSFIELD 310 

HULL BACON Corporation 2196 

HUTH WAITE HOSIERY Sutton-in-Ashfield 66 & 67 

I 281 
IRLAM Urmston | 282 

KEIGHLEY IRONWORKS 160 

LEEDS —SALEROOM Central 2098 

READY-MADES, HOLBECK „ 1648 

BRUSH FACTORY • 4035 

HIDE AND SKIN DEPARTMENT 4314 

SHOE WORKS Central l^gjg 

LEICESTER— WHEATSHEAF WORKS 1132 

235 

DUNS LANE Central 1829 

PRINTING WORKS 1144 

LITTLEBOROUGH FLANNEL FACTORY 63 

LIVERPOOL— VICTORIA STREET Central 7862 

REGENT ROAD ,. 5861 

LONGTON 16 

LUTON 113 

MANCHESTER SUN MILL Trapford Park 334 

» » n » » 335 

„ „ „ 336 

MIDDLETON PRESERVE WORKS Failsworth 33 

NORTHAMPTON SALEROOM 206 

NOTTINGHAM SALEROOM 2106 

OLDHAM STAR MILL 171 

PONTEFRACT FELLMONGERING 33 

RADCLIFFE WEAVING SHED Whitbfibld 356 

ROCHDALE PAINT WORKS 755 

RUSHDEN 10 

SHEFFIELD SHIRT FACTORY 461 

SILVERTOWN FLOUR MILL Eastern 602 

PRODUCTIVE „ 1656 

SOAP WORKS „ 1354 

DINING ROOM „ 1723 

WEST HARTLEPOOL LARD REFINERY 286 

WISBECH 58 

211 



CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 



PAST MEMBERS OF GENERAL COMMITTEE. 


Name. 


Nominating Society. 


Elected. 


Retired. 


*A. Greenwood 


Rochdale 


1864 March .... 

1864 March 

1864 March .... 

1864 March 

1864 March . . . . 

1864 March .... 
1867 Nov 

1864 March .... 

1865 Nov 

1885 Dec 

1886 June .... 

1865 Nov 

1876 June 

1866 May 

1866 May 

1867 May 

1867 Nov 

1868 Feb 

1870 Feb 

1876 March .... 

1868 May 

1868 Nov 

1868 Nov 

1868 Nov 

1869 May 

1869 Nov 

1869 Nov 

1869 Nov 

1870 August . . 

1870 Nov 

1871 May 

1877 June 

1871 May 

1874 Dec 

1871 May 


1874 August. 
1869 May. 

1867 May. 

1868 Nov. 


fCouncillor Smithies . . 

§ James Dyson 

John Hilton 


Rochdale 


Manchester 

Middleton 

Heywood 


Charles Howarth 


1866 October. 


J. Neild 


Mossley j 

Rochdale 


1865 Nov. 




1868 Nov. 
1865 Nov. 


* James Crabtree 

W. Nuttall 


Heckmondwike . . - 

Oldham | 

Oldham 


1874 May. 
1886 March. 
1889 Dec. 

1866 Feb. 


John Thomasson 


1877 Dec. 
1869 Nov. 


Edward Hooson 

SE. Lonsrfield 


Manchester 

Manchester 

Oldham 


1869 Dec. 
1867 Nov. 


Isaiah Lee 


1868 Nov. 


t J. M. Percival 

§D Baxter 


Manchester - 

[ 

Manchester 

Hyde 


1868 May. 
1872 August. 
1882 June. 

1871 May. 

1869 Nov. 




T. Sutcliffe 


Todmorden 

Manchester 

Oldham 


1869 Nov. 


J James C. Fox 

W. Marcroft 


1871 May. 
1871 May. 
1895 March. 


*§J. T. W. Mitchell .... 


Rochdale 


Eccles 


1871 Nov. 


R. Holgate 


Over Darwen 

Rochdale 

Batley Carr 

Bradford | 

Barnsley | 

Over Darwen 


1870 Nov. 


A. Mitchell 


1870 Nov. 


W. Moore 


1871 August. 
1874 Dec. 


JTitus Hall 


B. Hague 


1885 Dec. 
1873 May. 


Thomas Shorrocks 


1884 Sept. 
1871 Nov. 



212 



PAST MEMBERS OF GENERAL COMMITTED— contimied. 



Name. 


Nominating Society. 


Elected. 


Retired. 


♦R Allen 


Oldham 


1871 August .. 

1871 August .. 
1873 Feb 


1877 April. 

1872 Feb. 
1874 Feb. 


Job Whiteley 


Halifax -[ 


{Thomas Hayes 


Failsworth 


1871 Nov 


1873 August. 


Jonathan Fish wick . . . 


Bolton 


1871 Nov 


1872 Feb. 


J. Thorpe 

{W. Johnson 


Halifax 


1872 Feb 

1872 Feb 

1877 June 


1873 Feb. 


Bolton 1 


1876 June. 
1885 March. 


§H. Whiley 


Manchester - 


1872 August . . 
1874 May 


1874 Feb. 
1876 March. 


J. Butcher 




1873 May 

1873 August .. 
1873 August .. 


1873 August. 

1874 Dec. 


H Atkinson .... 


Blaydon-on-Tyne . . 
Eccles 


William Bates 


1907 June. 


J. F. Brearley 


Oldham 


1874 Feb 


1874 Dec. 


Robert Cooper 


Accrington 


1874 Feb 


1876 June. 


H Jackson 


Halifax 


1874 Dec 

1874 Dec 


1876 June. 


J. Pickersgill 


Batley Carr 


1877 INIarch. 


W. Bamett 


Macclesfield 


1874 Dec 


1882 Sept. 
1898 June. 


John Stansfield 


Heckmondwike .... 


1874 Dec 


Thomas Bland 


Huddersfield 


1874 Dec 


1907 March. 


S. Lever 

F. R. Stephenson 

Thomas Hind 


Bacup - 

Halifax 


1876 Sept 

1886 March .... 

1876 Sept 

1877 June 

1877 Dec 


1885 Sept. 
1888 May. 
1877 March. 


Leicester 


1912 October. 


R. Whittle 


Crewe 


1886 March. 


+Thos. Swann 


Masborough 


1882 Sept 


1899 Feb. 


E. Hibbert 


Failsworth 


1882 Sept 

1883 Nov 


1895 June. 


John Lord 


Accrington 

Hyde 


1907 Sept. 
1886 March 


Joseph Mc.Nab 

Alfred North 


1883 Dec 


Batley 


1883 Dec 


1905 August. 
1890 January. 
1895 July. 


James Hilton 


Oldham 


1884 Sept 

1885 March .... 


James Lownds 


Ashton-under-Lyne. . 


Samuel Taylor 

William P. Hemm 


Bolton 


1885 Sept 

1888 Sept 


1891 Dec 


Nottingham 


1889 August. 


Amos Scotton 


Derby 


1890 June .... 


1904 October. 


James Fairclough 


Barnsley 


1895 Sept 


1911 June. 


* Held Office as Pr 
: Held Office as Se 


esident. + Held C 
cretary. § Held < 


)ffice as Secretary an( 
Dffice as Treasurer. 


i Treasurer. 



213 



PAST MEMBERS OF NEWCASTLE BRANCH COMMITTEE. 



Name. 


Nominating Society. 


Elected. 


Retired. 


Ephraim Gilchirist 

George Dover 


Wallsend 


1873 Oct 


1874 Jan 


Chester-le-Street ... 


1874 Dec 


1877 Sept. 


Humphrey Atkinson . . 


Blaydon-on-Tyne . . 


1874 Dec 


1879 May. 


f Joseph Patterson 


West Cramlington . . 


1874 Dec 


1877 Sept. 


John Steel 


Newcastle-on-Tyne . . 
Durham 


1874 Dec 


1876 Sept. 
1891 Sept. 
1875 March. 


William Green 


1874 Dec 


Thomas Pinkney 


Newbottle 


1874 Dec 


Richard Thomson 


Sunderland 


1874 Dec 


1893 Sept. 


t John Thirlaway 


Gateshead 


1876 Dec 


1892 May. 


William Robinson 


Shotley Bridge .... 


1877 Sept 


1884 June. 


William J. Howat 


Newcastle-on-Tyne . . 


1877 Dec 


1883 Dec. 


George Scott 


Newbottle 


1879 May 


1893 Dec. 


J. Atkinson 


Wallsend 


1883 Dec 


1890 May. 
1887 Dec. 


George Fryer 


Cramlington 


1883 Dec 


Matthew Bates 


Blaydon 


1884 June 


1QQQ Jnnp 


Robt. Gibson 


Newcastle-on-Tyne . . 


1890 Sept 


1910 Sept. 


George Binney 

Robert Irving 

Thomas Rule 


Durham 


1891 Dec 


1905 May. 
1904 August. 
1903 June. 


Carlisle 


1892 June 


Gateshead 


1893 June 


William Stoker 


Seaton Delaval 


1893 Sept 


1902 July. 


Joseph Warwick .... 


North Shields 


1903 June 


1912 Dec. 


F. A. Ciappessoni 


Cleator Moor 


1904 Dec 


1912 Feb. 



PAST MEMBERS OF LONDON BRANCH COMMITTEE. 




* Newcastle and London Branch Committees constituted December, 1874. 
t Held Office as Secretary. 



214 



THE CO-OPERATIVE 
WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 



^[EMBERS OF GENERAL, AND NEWCASTLE AND 

LONDON BRANCH COMMITTEES WHO HAVE 

DIED DURING TIME OP OFFICE. 



Name. 



Edward Hooson . . 

Robert Allen 

Richard Whittle . . 

Samuel Lever 

William P. Hemm 

James Hilton 

Samuel Taylor 

J. T. W.Mitchell.. 

E. Hibbert 

James Lownds 

Thos. Swann 

Amos Scotton 

Alfred North 

James Fairclough 
Thomas Hind 



Nominating Society. 



GENERAL. 

Manchester 

Oldham 

Crewe 

Bacup 

Nottingham 

Oldham 

Bolton 

Rochdale 

Failsworth 

Ashton-iinder-Lyiie 

Masboro' 

Derby 

Batley 

Barnsley 

Leicester 



Date of Death. 



December 11th, 1869. 
April 2nd, 1877. 
March 6th, 1886. 
May 18th, 1888. 
August 21st, 1889. 
January 18th, 1890. 
December 15th, 1891. 
March 16th, 1895. 
June 25th, 1895. 
July 27th, 1895. 
February 15th, 1899. 
October 2nd, 1904. 
August 14th, 1905. 
June 11th, 1911. 
October 26th, 1912. 



J. Atkinson Wallsend . 

William Green ! Durham 



NEWCASTLE. 



John Thirlaway 

William Stoker 

Robert Irving 

George Binney 

F. A. Ciappessoni j Cleator Moor . 

Joseph Warwick | North Shields 



LONDON. 



Gateshead 

Seaton Delaval 

Carlisle 

Durham 



J. J. B. Beach 

T.E.Webb 

J. Clay 

R. H. Tutt 

G. Sutherland 

W. H. Brown I Newport . 

J. F. Goodey ' Colchester 



May 25th, 1890. 
September 9th, 1891. 
May 1st, 1892. 
July 4th, 1902. 
August 22nd, 1904. 
May 5th, 1905. 
February 20th, 1912. 
December 6th, 1912. 



Colchester i December 21st, 1888. 



Battersea 
Gloucester 
Hastings . . 
Woolvirich 



December 2nd, 1896. 
October 25th, 1901. . 
February 26th, 1904. 
October 17th, 1904. 
April 20th, 1907. 
October 5th, 1910. 



215 



CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 



PAST AUDITORS. 



Name. 


Nominating Society. 


Elected. 


Retired. 


D. Baxter 


Manchester 


1864 March 


1868 May. 
1865 May. 
1867 May. 


J Hankinson 


Preston 


1864 May 

1865 May 


E. Longfield 


Manchester 


James White 


Manchester 


1867 May ...... 


1881 Sept. 


W. Nuttall 


Oldham | 


1868 May 

1873 Nov 


1868 Nov. 




1874 May. 


A. Howard 


Rochdale 


1863 Nov 


1870 May. 


R Taylor 


Oldham | 


1870 May 

1873 Nov 


1873 May. 




1875 Feb. 


J, C. Fox 


Manchester • 


1872 May 

1876 Dec 


1876 Sept. 




1877 Sept. 


H. C. Pingstone 


IManchestcr 


1872 May 


1872 Nov. 


W. Barnett 


Macclesfield 

Eccles 


1872 Nov 

1873 May 


1873 Nov. 


W. Grimshaw 


1874 May. 


J. Leach. 


Rochdale 


1874 May 

1874 May 


1878 June. 


J. Odgers 


Manchester 


1874 Sept. 


J. M. Percival 


Manchester 


1875 March .... 


1876 March. 


W. Applebv 


Manchester 


1876 March 


1888 Sept. 
1885 Sept. 

1878 Sept. 

1879 June. 




Oldham 


1876 Oct 


James Kershaw 


Rochdale 


1878 June 


W. Nuttall 


Eccles 


1879 March .... 


T. Whitworth 


Rochdale 


1881 Dec 

1885 Dec 


1885 June. 


J. E. Lord 


Rochdale 


1910 April. 


Isaac Haigh 


Barnsley 


1888 August.... 
1910 Sept 


1903 Feb. 


P. G. Redfearn 


Birstall 


191-2 Sept. 







PAST SCRUTINEER. 



Name. 


Nominating Society. 


Elected. 


Retired. 


F Harden 


Oldham 


1890 Sept • 


1913 Sept. 









216 



Statistics 

SHOWING THE 
PROGRESS OF 

The Co^oPERATivE Wholesale 
Society Limited. 



217 



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221 



BESEBVE FUND 
m. TBADE DEPARTMENT FROM 



Deductions from Reserve Fund — £ 

Subscriptions and Donations to Charitable and other Objects 110,970 

Investments Written off : Bank Department 18,259 

„ ,, Trade Department 10,660 

Insurance Fund 6,000 

Land and Buildings Account — Depreciation, Special 1,148 

Fixtures „ „ „ 852 

Celebration Dinner : Opening Warehouse, Balloon Street 56 

Newcastle Formation Expenses 16 

21st Anniversary Commemoration Expenses, Manchester 2,017 

Jubilee Celebration Expenses 34,699 

Expenses incurred in West Africa 3,256 

Sprinklers Account — Amount vs^ritten off to date 74,812 



262,744 
Reserve Fund, December 27th, 1913 : — 
Investments — 

Manchester Ship Canal Company, 2,000 Ordinary 

Shares of £10 each £20,000 

Gilsland Convalescent Home, 7,500 Shares of £1 each 7,500 
British Cotton Growing Association, 5,000 Shares 

of £1 each 5,000 

North-Western Co-operative Convalescent Homes 

Association 8,000 

40,500 

Balance — 

As per Balance Sheet, December 27th, 1913 668,110 

As per proposed Disposal of Profit Account 37,023 

705,133 

£1,008,377 



222 



ACCOUNT. 

COMMENCEMENT OF SOCIETY. Cr. 

Additions to Reserve Fund— £ 

From Disposal of Profit Account, as per page 221 — Net 972,044 

Balance — Sale of Properties : — 

Strawberry Estate, Newcastle £1,953 

Land, Liverpool , , 713 

Rosedale 11 

South Shields 96 

Newhall 418 

Durham 376 

Gorton 10,923 

Calais 319 

Steamships 10,621 

Tipperary ;............ ;..-...;..... .... ;. . . 450 ' 

Land, Shillingstone 100 

25,980 

Balance — Sale of Shares — ^New Telephone Company 44 

Sharelnvestment — Lancashire and Yorkshire Productive Society . 60 

Sale of part Shares — Co-operative Printing Society 63 

Share Investment — Leicester Hosiery Society 76 

„ „ Star and Rochdale Corn Mills 14 

„ „ Keighley Ironworks . : 55 

Dividend on Debts, previously written off 808 

Balances, Shares, Loans, &c.. Accounts 232 

Bonus to Employes : DijBterences between Amounts Provided and actually Paid 311 

Dividend on Sales to Employes 403 

Interest on Manchester Ship Canal Shares 1,515 

Transfer from Reserve Balances 6,772 



£1,008,377 



223 



CO-OPEBATIVE ^yA^^HOLESALE 

Registered Office: 1, BALLOON 



Industrial and Provident Societies 



ABSTRACT OF ANNUAL RETURN FOR 

(Under the 

BALANCE SHEET OP FUNDS AND 

Trade Department— £ s. d. £ s. d. 

Due to Shareholders— Transferable Shares 2,039,054 9 3 

Loans and Interest 4,242,662 10 1 

Amount Owing by Society for Goods Used in Trade 839,932 2 6 

„ „ for Trade Expenses J79,052 19 10 

Less Selves Account (see contra) 40,782 12 5 



38,270 7 5 

Mortgage and Interest 7,358 12 10 

Received in Advance for Goods 31,687 3 9 

Owing— Insurance Claims 2,371 7 11 

„ Insurance Premiums 53 15 1 

„ Reserve Fund Account 14,160 15 

Scottish Wholesale Society's Proportion due of Batley, &c., 

Results 367 4 11 

Reserve for Unexpired Risks— Societies' Fire Insurances 947 10 



Bank Department- 
Current Accounts 5,078,288 17 8 

Less Bank Balance— Trade Department 2,446,520 3 8 



5.177,811 



2,631,768 14 

Deposit Accounts 840,127 8 2 

Employes' Thrift Fund 197,953 13 10 

Commission Owing 32 3 6 

3,669,881 19 

Reserves— Trade and Bank Departments — 

Reserve Fund-Trade Department (a)£668,109 13 5 

Bank „ £130,816 10 5 

„ „ Investment Reserve 12,890 2 10 

143,706 ]3 



811,816 6 8 

Insurance Fund . . 877,479 1 6 

Reserve Balances — Purchasing Depots 18,277 17 



Profits appropriated but not paid during the Financial Year- 
Trade Department JE339,216 17 

Bank Department 27,737 3 

(a) Exclusive of the following share investments made from this fund- 
Manchester Ship Canal Company (2,000 Ordinary 

Shares) £20,000 

Gilsland Convalescent Home 7,500 

North-Western Co-operative Convalescent Homes 

Association 8,000 

British Cotton Growing Association 5,000 



1,707,573 5 11 



366,953 17 



(a) £40,500 



Total £12,961,275 1 5 



Signature of Treasurer (No Treasurer). 
The undersigned, having had access to all the Books, Deeds, Documents, and Accounts of the 
Books, Deeds, Documents, Accounts, and Vouchers relating thereto, now sign the same as found to 



March 24th, 1914. 

224 



SOCIETY LIMITED. 

STREET, MANCHESTER. 



Act, 1893, 56 and 57 Vict., c. 39. 



YEAB ENDED 27th DECEMBEK, 1913 

above Act). 

EFFECTS. AS AT 27th DECEMBER, 1913. 

Trade Department— £ ' s. d. 

Value of Stock in Trade 3,142,334 1 11 

„ Buildings, Fixtures, and Land— (used in trade) 1,469,938 16 

•* Four Steamships (used in trade) (TTnffcn q/f) 

Investments and other Assets— £ s. d. 

In Buildings, Fixtures, and Land 592,093 15 10 

In Shares of Industrial and Provident Societies (b) 2,733 4 2 

In Shares of Companies (6) 2,956 3 3 

C.W.S. Proportion of Partnership Capital, includinglnterest 

and Profits -English and Scottish Wholesale Societies. 300,895 2 7 
C.W.S. Proportion of Partnership Capital — Co-operative 
Insurance Society Limited — Consideration Money in 

respect of Shares Acquired £107,558 13 7 

Lets Premium Paid to C.I.S. Share- 
holders — Written off from In- 
surance Fund 98,9.54 13 7 



8,604 
Interest Due 430 4 



9 034 4 

Bents Due l'836 19 

Expenses Stock, and Payments in Advance 24,312 6 

Amount Owing by Members and others at end of Year— Goods 

and Freights £-1,088,058 4 6 

Less Selves Account (see contra) 40.782 12 5 



1,047,275 12 1 



Payments in Advance for Goods 50,906 4 

2,032,043 7 

Bank Department— Investments and other Assets. 

On Mortgage Security 1,073,229 5 5 

On Shares and Loans 80,673 16 7 

Promissory Notes 121 7 

Loan Stock Certificates 252 17 3 

Land and Buildings 3,507 3 

Consols 166,360 12 6 

British Corporation Mortgages, Stocks, &c 3,102,472 2 3 

British Railway Debentures and Preference Stock'^ 90,592 15 11 

Foreign and Colonial Bonds 247,449 9 

Stamped Cheques 189 18 4 

Bank Balances 1,492,203 10 

6,257,052 6 

Cash in hand and at Branches :— 

Trade Dept. Bank Dept. 

Cash in hand £11,285 £30,793 10 5 

„ at Branches 17,827 19 7 



£29,112 19 7 £30,793 10 5 



59,906 10 



(b) Exclusive of investments made from Reserve Fund (see a). 



Total £12,961,275 1 5 



Secretary— THOS. BRODRICK, Eccles, near Manchester. 

Society, and having examined the foregoing General Statement, and verified the same with the 
be correct, duly vouched, and in accordance with law. 

THOS JAS. BAYLIS, High Street, Rotherham, \ 

T. WOOD, 40 to 46, Deansgate Arcade, Manchester, Accountants 

C. J. BECKETT. 24, All Saints' Road, St Annes-on-Sea, }■ and 

BENJ. TETLOW, 94, Westgate Road, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Public Auditors. 
J. SMITH, " Wynbury," Orchard Road, Middlesbrough, j 

225 



MANCHESTEB GROCEBY AND PROVISION 

TRADE. 

Smee keeping a separate Account. 



. 




Expenses. 


Net Profit. 




Period. Ended. 


Sales. 










Stocks 










at end. 






Amount. 


Rate 
per je. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per.. 






£ 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


If Years, January, 1876 


2,586,691 


26,417 


21 


31,028 


2J 


56,487 


5 „ December, 1880 .... 


8,740,658 


87,603 


2g 


140,043 


31 


70,091 


5 „ „ 1885 ... . 


11,728,202 


127,892 


2i 


157,209 


3| 


92,790 


8 „ „ 1890.... 


15,511,593 


180,023 


21 


264,131 


4 


123,432 


8 „ „ 1895 . . . 


21,956,461 


279,262 


3 


339,816 


3i 


159,930 


8 .„ „ 1900.... 


28,186,928 


374,568 


8J 


500,911 


4J 


158,537 


3 „ „ 1905.... 


41,629,024 


489,689 


^ 


774,698 


4i 


237,874 


8 „ „ 1910 .... 


£6,681,416 


669,406 


2f 


1,134,978 


4i 


292,133 


Year, „ 1911 .... 


12,672,297 


157,362 


2i 


249,347 


4i 


335,733 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 .... 


13,405,352 


163,759 


2i 


244,057 


4J 


' 319,102 


1913.... 


13,901,860 


164,399 


2| 


265,597 


ii 


369,537 


Half Year, June, 1914 .. 


7,042,888 


83,126 


2| 


148,435 


5 


1 245,910 


40i Years' Total 


234,038,370 


2,803,506 


2| 


4,250,250 


4i 


1 



226 



MANCHESTER DRAPERY TRADE. 

Since keeping a separate Account. 





' EXPENSKS. 


Net Profit. 
















Stocks 


Pbriod. Ended. 


Sales. 










at end. 






Amount. 


Bate 
per£. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per£. 






£ , 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


1 

8. d. 


£ 


2i Years, January, 1876 


211,351 ■ 11,484 


1 1 


2466 


n 


72,408 


8 „ December, 1880 . . . 


672,992 


43,116 


1 8g 


♦941 


Oi 


44,105 


5 „ „ 1885 ... . 


771,933 


42,913 


1 li 


20,2T7 


et 


44,948 


8 „ „ 1890.... 


1,205,935 60,656 


1 


25,278 


6i 


84,739 


5 „ „ 1895 .... 


1,920,447 


100,386 


1 0} 


48,223 


6 


108,337 


8 „ „ 1900.... 


2,568,623 141,497 


1 li 


88,183 


8i 


153,641 


5 „ „ 1905 .... 


3,315,793 1 196,568 


1 ai 


94,449 


^ 


107337 


5 „ „ 1910 .... 


4,488,109 1 


283,807 


1 8i 


142,812 


71 


126,202 

! 


Year, „ 1911 .... 


1,075,460 


68,414 


1 3i 


33,693 


7i 


1 

125,698 


„ (53wks) „ 1912 .... 


1,150,367 


71,136 


1 n 


41,017 


8§ 


140,549 


1913.... 


1,259,157 


73,429 


1 li 


50,383 


9^ 


172,631 


Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


636,562 


37,750 


1 2S 


21,771 


8i 


184,922 


40| Years' Total 


19,276,729 1,131,156 


1 2 


567,260 
4,757 


•• 




Less Depr 


aciation, Octc 
licaves Net P 


)ber, 1877... 






rofit 






] 


562,608 


7 













* Loss. 
Note.— To December, 1883, the figures include Woollens and Ready-Mades Department. 
„ To J une, 1905, inclusive, the figiues include Desboro' Corset Factory, | now separately 
To December, 1906, „ „ „ Broughton Shirt „ )" stated in Prod. Ac/3. 



227 



MANCHESTEB "WOOLLENS AND BEADY- 
MALES TBADE. 

Since publishing a separate Account in Balance Sheet. 





Sales. 


Expenses. 


Net Profit. 


Stocks at end. 


Period. Ended. 


Amount. 


Rate 
Ver£. 


Amount. 


Bate 
periE. 


(a) 


(b) 


2 Years, December, 1885 . . 

5 „ „ 1890 .. 
5 „ „ 1895 .. 
5 „ „ 1900 .. 
5 „ „ 1905 . . 
5 „ „ 1910 .. 

Year, „ 1911 .. 

„ (.53wks) „ 1912 .. 

1913 . . 

Half Year, June, 1914 . . 


£ 

41,578 

120,546 
255,315 
622,486 
874,585 
1,190,500 

282,688 
295,112 
325,775 

201,372 


£ 
2,470 

8,331 
15,905 
35,706 
51,849 
73,678 

18,693 
19,822 
20,983 

11,673 


s. d. 
1 2i 

if 

if 
1 3| 

1 n 


£ 
745 

*1,196 
*3,232 
13,805 
16,346 
25,475 

4,569 

5,508 

14,261 

8,309 


s. d. 
4i 

21 
8 
6i 
4 
5 

li 

n 


£ 
5,242 

11,468 
15,608 
35,978 
51,262 
63,211 

71,082 
72,219 
82,091 

79,367 


£ 

16,779 
81,741 

88,428 
84,720 
47,819 

48,116 


30^ Years' Total.... 


4,209,957 


259,110 


1 2| 


84,590 


on 


.. 





* Loss. (a) Woollens and Ready-mades and Outfitting. (ft) Linings and Dyed Goods. 
Note. — To June, 1895, inclusive, the Results and Stocks include Broughton Clothing Factory. 



MANCHESTEB BOOT AND SHOE TBADE. 

Since keeping a separate Account. 





Sales. 


Expenses. 


Net Profit. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Period. Ended. 


i Amount. ^^fj^ 


Amount. ^^l 


^J Years, January, 1876 .... 

5 „ December, 1880 

5 „ „ 1885 .... 
S „ „ 1890 .... 
5 „ „ 1895 .... 
S „ „ 1900 .... 
5 „ „ 1905 .... 
5 „ „ 1910 .... 

Year, „ 1911 .. . 

„ (53 wks) „ 1912 ... 

1913 .... 

Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


£ 
96,648 

292,347 
439,988 
738,251 
1,175,301 
1,493,428 
1,859,595 
2,299,318 

469,916 

528,862 
538,661 

319,602 


t 

£ 

2,659 

10,500 
i 14,703 
24,180 
48,031 
59,448 
70,983 
91,335 

21,392 
22,600 
23,068 

12,130 


8. d. 
6J 

8J 
8 

9| 
9^ 

lOi 
lOi 
10| 

9 


£ 
1,524 

3,646 

6,330 

1 17,519 

! 18,957 

i 30,468 

31,162 

37,121 

5,173 
8,776 
9,546 

7,063 


s. d. 
31 

2§ 

3| 

4 
31 

21 

si 

5J 


£ 
7,711 

11,484 
16,074 
32,095 
56,302 
62,178 
63,144 
80,190 

85,715 
88,509 
99,361 

103,845 


m Years' Total 


10,251,917 


401,029 


9| 


1 
177,285 4^ 


•• 



228 



MANCHESTEB FUBNISHING TBADB. 

(Since keeping a separate Account. 





Sales. 


Expenses. 


Net Pkofit. 


Stocks 

at end. 

(a) 


Period. Ended. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per£. 


Amount. 


Rate 
peri. 


4i Years, December, 1880 

S „ „ 1885 

5 „ „ 1890 

5 „ -. 1895 

5 „ .. 1900 

5 „ „ 1905 

3 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„(53 wks) „ 1912 

.. 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 

81,886 

184,218 

439,580 

781,803 

1.317,554 

1,639,436 

2,030.974 

471,296 
499,051 
566,713 

305,086 


1 

i ' 

1 4,999 
1 9,354 
j 21,250 

41,130 

1 

65,372 

i 80,885 

105,126 

28,215 
30,795 
31,026 

16,057 


8. d. 
1 2§ 

1 01 

Olli 

1 Of 

Hi 

11| 

1 Of 

1 2i 
1 2i 

1 n 

1 og 


£ 

617 

2,379 

6,408 

6,587 

23,638 

22,300 

23,367 

2,029 
2,019 
8,774 

4,244 


B. d. 
IJ 

3 

s§ 

2 

4i 
3i 
2| 

1 
Oi 
Sg 

Si 


£ 
4,307 

5,817 

12,930 

19,574 

27,817 
28,388 
81,664 

32,739 
34,937 
41,246 

45,244 


38 Years' Total 


8,317,097 


434,209 


1 Oi 


102,362 


2i 


■>' 



Note.— From March, 1893, to June, 1895, inclusive, the Results and Stocks include 
Broughton Cabinet Works. 

(«) Excludes Longton Stock. Memo. - In Balance Sheet Longton Stocks included with 
Manchester Furnishing Stocks. 



229 



NE^WCASTLE BBANCH GBOCERY AND 
PBOVISION TRADE. 

Since keeping a separate Account. 




Note. — To December, 1903, the figures include Pelaw Printing, now separately 
stated in Productive Accounts. 



NE^WCASTLE BBANCH DBAPEBY TRADE. 

Since keeping a separate Account 







Expenses. 


Net Pkofit. 


Stocks at 
end. 


Pkriod. Ended. 


Sales. 


Amount. 


Bate 
per £. 


Amount. 


Bate 
per je. 




£ 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


8. d. 


£ 


5 Years, December, 1880 .... 


234,269 


10,745 


11 


5,484 


5i 


16,171 


a „ „ 1885 .... 


51.3,938 


17,599 


8i 


21,903 


OlOi 


24,064 


8 „ „ 1890.... 


876,923 


30,548 


8i 


87,968 


OlOi 


33,216 


8 „ „ 1895.... 


1,351,804 


44,684 


7S 


57,256 


lOJ 


48,361 


8 „ „ 1900 .... 


1,864,292 


71,047 


9J 


84,856 


lOS 


63,704 


8 „ „ 1905 .... 


2,259,678 


122,128 


1 OS 


64,195 


^ 


i 59,939 


8 „ „ 1910.... 


2,698,979 


156,830 


1 li 


68,669 


6 


! 58,798 


Year, „ 1911 .... 


589,604 


1 94,264 


1 li 


15,030 


6 


i 

1 57,536 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 .... 


592,005 


35,523 


1 2i 


16,098 


6i 


1 57,042 


1913.... 


684,483 


38,890 


1 li 


19,963 


6i 


i 55,179 

1 


Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


35?.471 


20,402 


1 li 


9,005 


61 


62,'?33 


m Years' Total 


12,018,446 


■ 582,660 


Hi 


400,427 


7i 





Note.— To June, 1898, the figures include Woollens and Ready-Mades Department. 

„ To December, 1903, the figures include Pelaw Shirt Factory, now shown in Productive 
Accounts with Pelaw Tailoring and Kersey Factories. 



NEWCASTLE BRANCH ^^A^GOLLENS 
READY-MADES TRADE. 

Since keeping a separate Account. 



AND 





Sales. 


Expenses. 


Net Profit. 1 


Stocks at 
end. 


Period. Ended. 


Amount. 


Rate 1 
per £. ' 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £. 




£ ! 


£ 


s. d. - 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


2§ Years, December, 1900 ... . 


339,631 


10,361 


7i 


16,984 


1 


35,627 


5 „ „ 1905 .... 


719,657 


32,340 


10| 


24,408 


8i 


32,054 


5 „ „ 1910 .... 


829,638 


39.934 


Hi , 


35,272 


10| 


36,310 


Year, „ 1911 .... 


181,689 


8,974 


llf 


6,763 


Si 


39,327 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 .... 


187,422 


9,080 


Hi 


8,669 


11 


39,843 


1913.... 


207,330 


9,976 


lU 


8,7 ;9 


OlOi 


. 44,942 


Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


120,610 


5,461 

1 


lOf 


4,861 


9g 


41,386 


16 Years' Total 


2,585,977 


116,126 


101 


105,736 


9i 


■• 



Note, — To December, 1903, the figures include Pelaw Tailoring and Kersey Factories, now 
shown in Productive Accounts with Pelaw Shirt Factory.'. 



231 



NEWCASTLE BBANCH BOOT AND SHOE 

TBADE. 

Since keeping a separate Account. 









Expenses. 


Net Profit. 


Stocks at 
end. 


Period. 


Ended. 


Sales. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per ;£. 






£ 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


5 Years, December, 1880 


144,855 


4,500 


71 


2,412 


4 


1 5,971 


" »> 


1885 .... 


327,150 


9,980 


7i 


8,276 


6 


11,319 


" »» 


1890.... 


493,126 


18,876 


9J 


7,874 


3| 


11,870 


3 »> 


1895 .... 


648,837 


22,443 


8i 


14,020 


5S 


20,680 


s »» 


1900 .... 


893,524 


31,452 


8i 


21,199 


5i 


26,770 


3 ,» 


1905 .... 


1,179,581 


47,466 


91 


18,082 


3g 


29,423 


° >» 


1910 .... 


1,291,610 


51,780 


9J 


23,550 


4i 


33,298 


Year, 


1911 .... 


253,922 


10,787 


10^ 


4,245 


4 


33,346 


„ (53 wks) 


1912 .... 


263,912 


- 10,844 


9| 


3,073 


2| 


45,992 


5» 


1913 .... 


262,589 { 


10,888 


9g 


4,811 


4i 


43,587 


Half Year, J 


line, 1914 .... 
8' Total 


150,.')45 


5,563 


8| 


2,860 


4J 


41,649 


38^ Year 


5,909,651 


224,579 


9 


1 

110,402 

1 


41 





Note. — To December, 1888, the figures include Furnishing Department. 



NEWCASTLE BBANCH PUBNISHINQ 
TBADE. 

SiTice keeping a separate Account. 





Sales. 


Expenses. 


Net Profit. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Period. Ended. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £. 




£ 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


2 Years, December, 1890 

5 „ „ 1895 .... 
8 „ „ 1900 ... . 

3 „ „ 1905.... 
5 „ „ 1910.... 


138,487 

485,907 

963,098 

1,285,488 

1,411,869 


6,287 
26,707 
47,272 
76,223 
100,024 


OlOi 
1 IJ 
Olli 

1 24 

1 5 


2,387 

6,233 

24,066 

11,638 

30,075 


4J 
3 
5i 
2J 
5 


\ 10,474 
16,120 
29,79.6 
28,555 
32.852 


Year, „ 1911 .... 

„ (53 wks) „ 1912 .... 

1913 .... 


293,895 
288,076 
354,383 


21,433 
21,628 
23,361 


1^ 

1 6 

1 3fj 


5,833 
4,879 

7,558 


4i 
4 
5 


82,119 
84,471 
85,104 


Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


199,159 


12,048 


1 2i 


6,134 


71 


40,379 


23i Years' Total 


5,420,862 


334,988 


1 2ji 


9&,80S 


4i 


•• 



Note. — To December, 1903, the flguies include Pelaw Cabinet Factory, now separately 
stated in Productive Accounts. 



232 



LONDON BRANCH GROCERY AND 
PROVISION TRADE 

(INCLUDING BRISTOL, CARDIFF, AND NORTHAMPTON DEPOTS). 
Since keeping a separate Account. 







EXPBKSES. 


Nbt Profit. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Period. Ended. 


Sales. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per je. , 


A^oant. I5J1. 




£ 


£ 


B. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


' £ 


1| Tears, January, 1876 


203,137 


3,907 


4i 


2,151 


2i 


7,219 


S „ December, 1880 


1,119,283 


17,326 


8§ 


17,688 


3i 


20,789 


5 „ „ 1885.... 


1,746,107 


29,470 


4 


24,718 


Si 


24,256 


5 „ „ 1890.... 


3,661,913 


66,023 


4i 


51,270 


3J 


57,347 


8 „ „ 1895.... 


6,125,158 


125,071 


4S 


74,567 


2i 


45,828 


5 „ „ 1900 ... . 


8,924,536 


188,854 


5 


137,122 


3i 


109,468 


5 „ „ 1905 .... 


15,225,894 


247.770 


Si 


221,376 


31 


129,171 


5 „ „ 1910.... 


20,980,393 


1 324,279 


31 


354,070 


4 


183,194 


Year, „ 1911 .... 


4,890,468 


76,215 


3| 


94,010 


4i 


191,004 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 .... 


5,513340 


79,758 


3i 


99,527 


41 


213,268 


1913.... 


5,750,722 


79,796 


3i 


103,402 


41 

i 


210,022 


Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


2,974,784 


40,941 


3i 


56,160 


! 
a' 


204,050 


40J Years' Total 


77,115,685 


1,279,410 


Si 


1,236,061 


3i 





233 



LONDON BRANCH DBAPERY TRADE 

(INCLUDING BEISTOL DEPOT). 
Since keeping a separate Accoimt. 







Expenses. 


Net Pkofit, 


Stocks 


' 


! Amount. 


Bate 
per jE. 


Amount. 


Bate 
per £. 


at end. 


Half Year, December, 1880 

8 Years, „ 1885 

8 „ ., 1890 

8 „ „ 1895 

5 „ „ 1900 

8 „ „ 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, 1911 . 


£ 
8,157 

209,909 
368,681 
439,003 
693,385 
989,710 
1,349,170 

372,985 
405,121 
455,943 1 

245,077 


£ 
812 

11,677 
28,327 
33,431 
55,546 
80,375 
120,082 

31,694 
33,012 
34,604 

18,717 


s. d. 

94 

1 li 
1 6i 
1 6i 
1 74 
1 7i 
1 9i 
1 81 

1 74 
1 64 
1 6i 


£ 
36 

1,963 

*5,789 

515 

9,992 
10,986 
13.755 

6,392 
9,752 
14,603 

6,897 


s. d. 
1 

24 
31 
Oi 
33 
2i 
2g 

4 
5i 
71 
6| 


£ 
3,805 

11,502 
12,607 
21,859 
45,685 
44,749 
64,686 

62,378 
69,685 
75,624 

84,277. 


„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


34 Years' Total 


5,537,141 ! 


447,777 


1 7g 


69,102 


2i 











* Loss. 

Note. — The above figures include the following: Boots and Shoes to September, 1887; 
Furnishing to March, 1889 ; Woollens and Beady-mades to March, 1898. 



LONDON BRANCH Yi^OOLLENS 
AND READY-MADE S TRADE 

(INCLUDING BRISTOL DEPOT). 
Since keeping a separate Account. 





Sales. 


Expenses. 


j Net Profit. 


Stocks 


Period. Ended. 


Amount. 


Bate 
per ;£. 


Amount. 


Bate, 
per £. 


at end. 


2| Years, December, 1900 .... 

8 „ „ 1905 .... 
8 „ „ 1910 .... 

Year, „ 1911 .... 

„ (58 weeks) „ 1912 

1913 .... 

Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


96,037 

300,139 

408,825 

100,165 
110,538 
126,848 ' 

74,067 . i 

I 


£ 
9,128 

28,287 
44,532 

10,600 
11,104 
12,004 

6,551 


s. d. 
1 10| 

1 104 

2 2J 

2 li 
2 

iioi 
1 94 


£ 
2,054 

4,901 
*237 
*472 
519 

1,877 

880 


a. d. 
54 
3i 

04 

14 
14 

8i 
'21 


£ 

14,908 

1 

21,602 
27,110 

27,391 
29,671 
40,040 

40,951 


16i Years' Total 


1,216,619 1 


122,206 


2 


9,522 


14 


•• 



" Loss. 
234 



LONDON BRANCH BOOT Sc SHOE TRADE 

(INCLUDING BRISTOL DEPOT). 
Since keeping a separate Account. 





DED. 


i 
Sales. 


F.TPENSK8. 


1 
Net Profit. 


Nkt Loss. 1 


stocks 


Period. En 


A-o'nt. ^\ 


Amo'nt. 


Bate 
per je. I 


Amo'nt. 


Rate 
per je. 


at end. 


3J Years, Decemt 
" »» " 

8 »» 11 

Year, „ 

„ (53 wks) „ 

>» " 

Half Year, June 


er,1890.. 

1895 . . 
1900.. 
1905.. 
1910.. 

1911 . . 

1912 . . 

1913 . . 

1914 . . 
Total.... 


£ 
105,438 
242,974 
376,424 
596,359 
818,189 

179,818 
208,224 
229,297 
135,708 


£ 8. d. 1 
5,640 ! 1 Oi 
15,350 1 Si 
24,274 1 ^ 
34,976 1 2 
58,145 , 1 5 

; 13,247 1 I 5§ 

: 13,853 1 Si 

13,558 1 2i 

7,146 1 Oi 


£ 
152 

2,064 
4,919 

75 
250 


s. d. 
Oi 

li 
li 

og 


£ 
1.013 

6,361 

8,455 
1,278 


s. d. 
1 

1| 

4i 
If 


£ 
' 6,051 
11,182 
20,287 
24,120 
45,515 

42,629 
48,340 
52,501 

52,515 


26| Years' 


2,892,431 


j 186,189 j 1 31 


7,460 j .. 

1 


12,107 
7,460 


•• 






Less] 
Leav( 


Profit 






is Net Loss 






1 " ; *■ 


4,647 

1 


Of 


i "■ 



LONDON BRANCH FURNISHING- TRADE 

(INCLUDING BRISTOL DEPOT). 
Since keeping a separate Account. 





Expenses. 


Net Pbofit. 


Net Loss. 


Stocks 


Period. Ended. Sales. 


A---'- ^1 


AmCnJ «J1 ' 


^"•"' ^1 


at end. 


£ 
IS Years, December, 1890 . . i 53,957 
3 „ „ 1895.. 208,925 
5 „ „ 1900.. 370,518 
a „ „ 1905.. 490,048 
5 „ „ 1910.. 617,399 

Year, „ 1911 . . 153,827 
„ (53 wks) „ 1912.. 165,216 
„ „ 1913.. 189,545 

Half Year, June, 1914 . . 103,057 


£ s. d. 
4,487 1 7i 
17,814 1 8§ 
29,067 1 6i 
40,071 1 7i 
54,554 1 9J 

13,118 1 8i 
18,911 1 8k 
14,565 1 ^ 

7,611 1 5i 


£ 1 8. d. 

2,536 IJ 
4,286 If 

3,000 4g 1 
2,359 31 
3,931 4i 

2,171 i 5 


1, 


£ 

952 
655 
160 


s. d. 
4i 
li 

•• 
.. 


£ 
3,957 
8,604 
12,854 
14,136 
14,251 

14,297 
14,945 
16,213 

18,718 


25i Years' Total.... 2,352,492 195,198 1 7i 


18,283 

i 
2,767 .. 


2,767 1 . . 




Less 1 
Leave 






s Net Profit .... 




15,516 li 











235 



CRUMPSALL BISCUITS, CAKES, 

Since keeping 





Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended, 


Wages 

and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


2J Years, January, 1876 

S „ December, 1880 

S „ „ 1885 

8 „ „ 1890 

5 „ „ 1895 

5 „ „ 1900 

8 » .. 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 
29,840 

87,213 
106,679 
177,924 
421,775 
464,581 
799,152 
936,711 

207,694 
213,597 
200,464 

106,247 


£ 
29,394 

87,003 
106,959 
181,173 
426,035 
443,116 
791,129 
922,477 

204,879 
208,518 
196,809 

105,062 


£ 
5,309 

14,589 

18,014 

35,716 

73,418 

101,908 

188,172 

209,931 

50.645 
50,886 
54,215 

29,889 


£ 
707 

2,427 
3,194 
6,308 
10,340 
13,412 
21,110 
23,515 

3,966 
3,999 
4,120 

2,060 


£ 
953 

2,298 
2,122 
4,022 
8,048 
6,020 
12,793 
13,305 

1,940 
2,038 
1,725 

839 


£ 
6,969 

19,314 

46,046 
91,806 
121,340 
222,075 
246,751 

56,551 
56,923 
60,060 

32,788 


lOf Years' Total 


3,751,877 


3,702,554 


832,692 


95,158 


56,103 


983,953 



Note.— Dry Soap and Preserves transferred to Irlam 
Dried Sweets transferred to Silvertown, 
Drugs and Sundries transferred to Pelaw 



236 



S^\rEETS, AND JELLIES ^WORKS. 

a separate Account. 



Pkbiod. Ended. 



2i Years, 


January, 1876 


s „ 


December, 1880 


s 




1885 


s 




1890 


s „ 




1895 


s 




1900 


5 




1905 


5 




1910 


Year, 




1911 


„ (53wks) 


1912 






1913 



Half Year, June, 1914 



40f Years' Total 



EZFENSSS. 



Bate om Pbodugtiom. 



Per cent. Per £. 



£ s. d. 

23 14 2i 

22 3 111 

21 16 2^ 

25 8 31 
21 10 111 

27 7 8 

28 1 4| 

26 14 111 

27 12 Oi 
27 5 111 

30 10 4 

31 4 li 



11 5i 



s. d. 

4 8i 

4 Si 

4 4i 

5 Oi 

4 Si 

5 6g 

5 4} 

5 6i 

5 5i 

6 li 

6 2S 



Net Profit. 



Amoont. 



£ 
955 



4,649 
7,987 
1,027 



1 Oi 
1 5J 
Ig 

24,157 1 Oi 

I 

57,382 ' 1 5i 

I 

80,280 1 



21,042 



260,57« 



Bate 
per £ 
on Sap- 
plies. 



B. d. 

7§ 



2 0| 



13,237 ; 1 2| 
15,802 I 1 6§ 

10,558 ■ 1 113 



Stocks 
at end. 



4i| 



£ 
1,538 

1,798 

3,534 
12,712 
28,905 
14,018 
14,631 

9,907 

15,516 
10,192 
11,313 

11,177 



and Middleton respectively, September, 1896. 

December, 1906. 

and Silvertown respectively, December, 1912. 



287 



MIDDLETON PBESEBVE, PEEL, 

From 



Period. Ended. 


Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 


Expenses. 




Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. Total. 

I 


4J Years, December, 1900 

S „ „ 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 

608,218 

1,214,080 

1,547,884 

404,163 
420,339 
449,294 

223,640 


639,903 
1,229,847 
1,572,759 

400,893 

477,243 
424,899 

188,314 


£ 

82,018 

134,015 

205,858 

53.887 
57,208 
61,483 

33,969 


£ 
12,740 
17,728 
29,761 

9,897 
9,514 
9,514 

4,757 


£ 
11,254 
20,507 
31,125 

8,174 

8,886 
8.644 

3,963 


£ 
106,012 
172,250 
266,739 

71,458 
75,608 
79.641 

42,689 


18 Years' Total 


4,867,618 


4,933,358 


628,433 


93,411 


92,563 ' 814,397 



IBLAM SOAP, CANDLE, LARD, 

From 



Period. 



Ended. 



20 Weeks, December, 1895. 



S Years, 

s „ 

3 „ 

Year, 

„ (53 wks) 



1900. 
1905. 



Net 
Supplies. 



1,875,031 



1910 j 3,604,506 



1911. 
1912. 
1913. 



Half Year, June, 1914 

18 Years and 11 Mo. Total 



•620,965 
658,186 
770,689 

412,105 



8,876,739 



Produc- 
tion. 



904.415 
1,852,601 



610,157 
647,350 
752,602 

405,545 



8,596,560 



Expenses. 



''a^" Pt?->-| interest. 
Sundry. 



tion. 



Total. 



£ 
3,597 

104,511 
201,734 
812,980 

71,658 
84,072 
91,859 

53,556 



£ 
807 

19,765 
29,576 

44,878 



6,380 
6,975 

3,681 



£ 



15,343 
24,813 
30,961 



5,451 
5,635 



£ 
5,060 

139,619 
256,123 
388.819 

82,900 

96,903 

104,869 



3,111 60.348 



923,967 118,342 90,832 1,133,141 



NOTE.— Durham Soap Works business commenced January, 1873 ; sold March, 1896, 
when trade was transferred to Irlam. 



238 



AND PICKLE ^W^OBKS TBADE. 

commencement. 





Expenses. 






1 . 


PipRTftn Ekdkd. 


Ratr on Pbo- 

DUCTION. 1 


Net Profit. 


Stocks 
at end. 




Per cent. 


PerJB. 


Amount. 


Rate 

per £ on 
Sapplies. 


(i Years, December, 1900 

5 ,, „ 1905 


£ 8. d. 
16 11 4 
14 Ig 


B. d. 
8 8i 
2 9n 


£ 
24,828 
35,398 
76,277 

15,871 

1 11,994 

13.290 

9,962 


8. d. 

9^ 
6i 


66,044 
99.938 


8 .. .. 1910 


16 19 2| 3 43 


111 j 187,351 


Year, „ 1911 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 

„ „ 1918 

Half Year, June, 1914 


17 16 5i 
15 16 10| 

18 15 3| 

22 13 4| 


3 6! 
3 2 

3 9 

4 6i 


91 180,098 
6| j 181,949 
7 165,158 

lOf 134,773 


18 Years' Total 


' 16 10 li 


3 3i 


186,615 


9i : 



AND STABCH TATORKS TRADE. 



commencement. 





Expenses. 


Net Profit. 




Period. Ended. 


Rate on Pboduotion. 


Stocks 
at 




Per cent. 


Per^e. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


end. 

(a) 


20 Weeks. December. 1895 


£ s. d. 
15 12 5| 

15 8 8g 
13 16 6 
11 9 31 

13 11 8| 

14 16 3i 
13 17 41 

14 17 n 


B. d. 
3 11 

8 1 

2 9i 
2 3i 

2 8i 
2 llj 
2 9^ 

2 llg 


£ 
869 

40,819 
83,518 
136,168 

16,287 
13,905 
17,184 

10,116 


s. d. 
3^ 

lOi 

log 

9 

6J 
5 
5i 

5i 


£ 
30,825 


5 Years 1900 


74,059 


5 .. 1905 


125,435 


5 „ „ 1910.' 


83,485 


Year . 1911 


91,884 


„ (53wks) „ 1912 

1913 


106,580 
132,514 


Half Year, June, 1914 


107,777 






18 Years and 11 Months' Total. . 


18 3 U 


2 7i 


317,816 


8i 


•• 



(a) Includes Sydney Works. 



239 



SILVEBTO^WN SOAP 

From 



Period. Ended. 


Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 


Expenses. 




'.SI" 

Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


2 Years & 29 Wks., Dec, 1910 . . 

Year, „ 1911 . . 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 . . 

,. 1913 . . 

Half Year, June, 1914 . . 


£ 
370,607 

192,009 
195,916 
234,713 

113,392 


£ 

381,553 

199,467 
191,147 
229,485 

108,256 


\ 36,522 

16,924 
20,647 
24,778 

13,577 


£ 

8,766 

3.688 
3,463 
3,558 

1,777 


£ 
7,278 

2,770 
2,585 
2,242 

1,219 


£ 
52,566 

23,282 
26,695 
30,578 

16,573 


6 Years and 3 Weeks' Total 


1,106,637 


1,109,908 


112,448 


21,152 


16,094 


149,694 



DUNSTON SOAP 

From 



Period. Ended. 


Net 
Supplies. 


Pro- 
duction. 


Expenses. 




! Wages 

1 and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


1 Year & 45 Wks., Dec, 1910 . . 

Year, „ 1911 . . 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 . . 

„ 1913.. 

Half Year, June, 1914 . . 


£ 
205,444 

156,245 
155,498 
193,022 

86.050 


£ 
212,981 

158,706 
154,130 
188,720 

87,328 


! ^ 
18,784 

13,566 
14,402 
22,236 

10,646 


£ 
4,631 

2,567 
2,342 
2,614 

1,375 


£ 
3,771 

1,802 
1,806 
1,890 

1,079 


£ 
27,186 

17,925 
18,550 
26,740 

13,100 


S Years and 19 Weeks' Total 


796,259 


801,865 


79,634 


13,519 


10,343 


103,501 



240 



^WOBKS TRADE. 

commencement. 





EZPBNSBS. 


'Kr__ t 






Period. Ended. 


Rate on Production. 




Stocks 
at 




Percent 


PerjB. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


end. 




£ s. d. 


s. d. 1 


£ 


s.d. 


£ 


2 Years & 29 Weeks, Dec, 1910 


18 15 61 


2 9 


17,176 


11 


\ 34,547 


Year, „ 1911 


11 13 5| 


2 4 


5,407 


Gi 


' 42,750 


„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 


13 19 8| 


2 9i 


6,157 


71 


33,983 


„ „ 1913 


18 6 65 


2 7i 


10,881 


Olli 


j 44,640 


Half Year, June, 1914 


15 6 2| 


3 Of 


' 5,024 


oiog 


27,047 


6 Years and 3 Weeks' Total .... 


13 9 8i 


2 8i 


44,645 


91 


" 



ATV^OBKS TRADE. 

commencement. 





Expenses. 


Net Profit. 










Pekiod. Ended. 


Rate on Production. 






Stocks 
at 




Per cent. 


Per£. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


end. 




£ s. d. 


8. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


1 Year & iS Weeks, December, 1910 


12 15 31 


2 61 


14,376 


1 41 


23,236 


Year, „ 1911.... 


11 6 m 


2 3 


8,593 


1 IJ 


21,223 


(53 weeks) „ 1912.... 


12 ^ 


2 4i 


8,022 


1 c« 


25,713 


1913.... 


14 3 4i 


2 10 


11,209 


1 15 


32,6.57 

1 - 


Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


15 Oi 


3 


4,785 


1 li 


28,118 


5 Years and 19 Weeks' Total. . . . 


12 18 IJ 


2 6i 


46,985 


1 2J 


i ■■ 



241 



DUNSTON FLOUB 

• From 











Expenses. 




Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 








Period. Ended. 
















Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


4 Years & 36 Weeks, Dec, 1895 .... 


1,521,168 


1,502,636 


86,159 


29,715 


23,219 


139,098 


5 „ „ 1900 .... 


2,772,171 


2,732,924 


139,138 


33,810 


19,647 


192,596 


S „ „ 1905 .... 


3,330,419 


3,252,957 


163,484 


81,470 


22,002 


' 216,956 


5 „ „ 1910 .... 


3,927,284 


3,877,005 


187,590 


46,304 


46,879 


280,778 


Year, „ 1911 .... 


765,052 


769,472 


46,871 


9,037 


7,639 


63,597 


„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 .... 


854,824 


851,306 


43,029 


9,133 


8,488 


60,650 


„ 1913 .... 


909,128 


904,821 


45,166 


9,135 


7,863 


62,165 


Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


420,815 


380,797 


25,158 


4,568 


4,405 


34,126 


23 Years & 10 Weeks' Total. . 


14,500,861 


14,271,918 


736,590 


173,223 


140,142 


1,049,955 



242 



MILL TRADE. 

commencement. 





Expenses. 














Rate on Pro- 
duction. 


Net Pkofit. 


Net Loss. 


Stocks 


Pebiod. Ended. 








Rate 




Rate 


at 
end. 




Per cent. 


Perje. 


Amo'nt. 


perje 
on Sup- 
plies. 


Amo'nt. 


per £ 

on Sup- 
plies. 






£ s. d. 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


i Years & 36 Weeks, Dec, 1895. .. . 


9 6 li 


110* 


•• 


•• 


81,884 


5 


71,974 


3 „ .. 1900.... 


7 Hi 


1 H 


20,952 


n 


• • 


.. 


54,476 


8 „ „ 1905.... 


6 13 4| 


1 4 


84,917 


2^ 




•• 


131,541 


5 „ „ 1910.... 


7 4 10 


1 51 


3«,5.«r7 


IJ 


•• 




105340 


Year, ,. 1911.... 


8 5 3^ 


1 71 


11,549 


Si 


.. 




164,493 


„ (53 weeks) „ 1912.... 


7 2 5i 


1 5 


11,107 


3 


•• 


•• 


182,376 


.. 1913 .. 


6 17 4i 


1 41 


8,352 


2i 






182,179 


Half Year, June, 1914.... 


8 19 2| 


1 H 


3,163 


If 






151,898 


23 Years & 10 Weeks' Total. . 


7 7 If 


1 51 


122,577 


•• 


31,884 




••' 


] 


Jess Loss . . 
Jeaves Net 




81,884 




•• 








Profit . . 




1 


90,693 


li 


•• 


•• 





248 



SILVERTO^VN FLOUR 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages & 
Sundry. 


Depre- 
ciation. 


Interest. 


Total. 


Half Year, December, 1900 

S Years, „ 1905 

.5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 19] 4 


£ 
62,476 

1,802,999 

2,809,309 

466,374 
548,720 
572,628 

310,093 


£ 
61,569 

1,771,744 

2,760,514 

417,180 
548,723 
564,570 

295,884 


£ 
5,524 

92,095 

117,596 

23,396 
26,126 
25.337 

12,984 


£ 
1,804 

25,371 

39,474 

8,109 
7,680 
7,731 

1,794 


£ 
1,118 

17,720 

30,427 

4,939 
5,155 
4,752 

2,397 


£ 

8,446 

135,186 
187,497 

36,444 
38,961 
37,820 

17,175 


14 Years' Total 


6,572,599 


6,420,184 


303,058 


91,963 


66,508 


461,529 



MANCHESTER SUN FLOUR 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


1 
Interest. Total. 


4 Years & 34 Weeks, Dec, 1910 .... 

Year, „ 1911 .... 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 .... 

„ 1913 .... 

Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


£ 
3,213,133 

914,196 
1,073,127 
1,047,636 

570,053 


£ 
3,141,508 

894,453 
1,038,930 
1,023,552 

571,371 


£ 
106,557 

34,715 
40,077 
47,164 

24,361 


£ 
33,720 

10,099 
10,102 
10,102 

6,130 


£ 
28,189 

6,873 
5,670 
4,993 

8,769 


£ 
168,466 

51,687 
55,849 
62,259 

34,260 


8 Years and 8 Weeks' Total 


6,818,145 


6,669,814 


252,874 


70,153 


49,494 


372,521 



244 



MILL TBADE. 

commencement. 





Expenses. 


BEStTLT or WORKINO. 


' 




Bate on Pboduction. 

Per cent. Per £. 

\ 


1 


Pekiod. Ended. 


Profit. 


Loss. 


Bate 
per £ on 

Supplies. 


stocks 
at end. 


Half Year, December, 1900 .... 


£ 8. d. 
13 14 4^ 


8. d. 
2 8i 


£ 


£ 
4,381 


8. d. 
1 4i 


£ 
18,538 


5 Years, „ 1905 ....| 


7 12 7J 


1 6i 


10,962 


.. 


li 


81,712 


5 „ „ 1910 .... 


6 15 10 


1 4i 


•• 


24,389 


2 


52,189 


Year, „ 1911 .... 


8 14 8i 


1 8i 


6,353 


.. 


3i 


42,282 


„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 .... 


7 2 


1 5 


2432 


.. 


Oi 


96,680 


1913.... 


6 13 111 


1 4 


•• 


6,510 


21 


106,508 

1 


Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


5 16 1 


I li 


IfiTJ 


.. 


li 


1 S2.118 


14 Years' Total 


7 3 91 


1 6i 


■■ 


14,156 


Oi 





AND PROVENDEB MILL TBADE. 

commencement. 



Pekiod. 



Ended. 



4 Years ft 34 Weeks, December, 1910 



Year, 



(53 weeks) 



1911 
1912 
1913 



Half Year, June, 1914 
8 Years ft 8 Weeks' Total 



Expenses. 


Net Besiilt. 




Bate on Production. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Per cent. 


i 

Per £. '■ 

\ 


Profit, 


Bate per £ 

on 
Supplies. 


£ s. d. 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


5 7 3 


1 Of 


15,507 


n 


63,394 


6 15 6i 


1 If 


17,562 


4i 


60.784 


5 7 6i 


1 OJ 1 


25,959 


5S 


23,861 


6 1 71 


1 2i 


21,248 


4| 


61,171 


5 19 11 
5 11 81 


1 2| 

1 18 


6.880 


2i 


73,679 


87,156 


3 


•• 



245 



OLDHAM STAB FLOUR 

From 



Expenses. 



Period. 



Ended. 



Net Produc- 
S applies. tion. 



US^f'^T^^^' Total. 



4 Years & 38 Weeks, Dec, 1910 ..: 1,728,272 | 1,712,548 \ 69,450 



£ 
18,880 



1913 



£ £ 

16,189 i 104,519 



Year, December, 1911 367,265 356,691 18,413 4,089 , 3,017 

„ „ 1912 (53 weeks).. I 416,130, 411,926 1 18,314 i 4,086 ! 2,673 



95.519 
25,022 



395,555 ' 20,981 3,978 2,809 I 27,S 



Half Year, June, 1914 193,653 , 188,351 1 1 9,974 



1,070 13,033 



8 Years and 12 Weeks' Total 3,100,988 , 3,055,071 , 137,132 32,971 25,258 j 195,361 

NOTE.— Rochdale Flour Mill acquired January, 1906; closed 'June, 1907, when trade 
was transferred to Oldham Star Mill. 



AVONMOUTH FLOUB AND 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 


! Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


1 Wages & 
i Sundry. 

1 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


34 Weeks, December, 1910 

Year, December, 1911 

„ „ 1912 (53 weeks) .. 
1913 


£ 
232,241 

427,217 
522,403 
556,420 

281,994 


£ 
227,688 

393,606 
470,742 
499,220 

247,423 


1 £ 

1 9,126 

15,462 
17,585 
17,487 

8,525 


£ 
2,953 

5,028 
5,156 
5,158 

2,648 


£ 
4,369 

6.055 
5,873 
6,176 

2,954 


£ 
16,448 

26,545 
28,614 
28,821 


Half Year, June, 1914 


14,127 






4 Years and 8 Weeks' Total. . 


2,020,275 


1,838,679 


68,185 


20,943 


25,427 


114,555 



246 



MILL TRADE. 

commencement. 





Expenses. 




Net Result. 






Rate on Pboduction. 
Per cent. Per £. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Period. Ended. 


Profit. 


Rateperje 

on 
Supplies. 




£ 8. d. 


8. 


d. 


£ 


s. 


d. 


£ 


4 Years & 38 Weeks, Dec, 1910 


6 2 Of 


1 


2i 


12,061 





n 


31.196 


Tear, December, 1911 


7 3 1. 


1 


5S 


4.073 





21 


62,038 


„ „ 1912 (53 weeks) 


6 1 53 


1 


2i 


8,115 





*i 


25,881 


1913 


6 17 10| 


1 


4h 


3,986 





^ 


28,077 


Half Year, June, 1914 


6 IS 4| 


1 


ii 


1,737 





2| 


16,664 


8 Years* 12 We«ks' Total 


6 7 5| 


1 


H 


29,972 





2i \ 


•• 



PROVENDEB MILL TRADE. 



commencement. 



Pebiod. 



Ended. 



34 Weeks, December, 1910 

Year, Dec, 1911 

„ „ 1912 (53 weeks) . . . . 
„ ,. 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 

4 Years & 8 Weeks' Total. 



Expenses. ' 


Ni 


ET Result. 




Rate on Production. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Per cent. { Per £. 


Profit. 


Rateperje . 
Loss. on 

1 Supplies. 


£ s. d. ' 8. d. 
7 4 5| j 1 5i 


£ 


£ 
11,438 


s. d. W 

111 ;! 


£ 
119,915 


6 14 lOi 


IH 


6,522 




ss i 


155,961 


6 1 6| 


1 3} 


9,133 


.. 


4i 

1! 


137,753 


5 15 5§ 


1 IS 


3,465 


.. ' 11 i' 


147,&42 


5 14 21 ; 1 1| 


2,288 


.. I IJ 


97,998 


6 4 7| 


1 21 1 


9,970 


■■ 


1| 1 





247 



MANCHESTER TOBACCO 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


2 Tears and 28^ Weeks, Dec, 1900 


436,841 


32,199 


1,944 


3,069 


87,212 


S „ ,, 1905 


1,846,976 


1 111,441 


7,380 


11,907 


130,728 


9 « » 1910 


2,900,605 


159,075 


12,544 


19,862 


191,481 


Year, „ 1911 


702,611 


37,055 


2,888 


4,183 


44,126 


„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 


730,327 


89,829 


2,924 


4,689 


47,442 


1913 


726,091 


41,166 


2,955 


4,692 


48,813 


Half Year, June, 1914 


366,896 


i 21,310 


1,512 


2,680 


25,502 


16 Years and 2^ Weeks' Total. . . . 


7,710,347 


i 

442,075 


32,147 


51,082 


525,804 



^SATEST HABTLEPOOL LABD BEEINEBY 

From- 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. Total. 

i 


« Years and 37 Wks., Dec, 1900 .... 

8 „ „ 1905 ... . 
5 „ „ 1910.... 

Year, „ 1911 .... 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 .... 

„ 1913.... 

Half Year, June, 1914 .... 


£ 
374,595 

652,804 
626,531 

109,527 
127,460 
140,148 

68,497 


£ 
12,475 

16,279 
14,610 

2,846 
3,038 

2,795 

1 

1,378 


£ 
8,690 

4,588 
5,338 

1,082 
845 

378 

189 


8,298 

8,708 
3,785 

767 
560 

457 
276 


£ 
19,463 

24,575 
23,733 

4,695 
4,443 
3,630 

1,843 


18 Years and 11 Weeks' Total. . 


2,099,562 


53,421 


16,110 


12,851 I 82,382 



Note. — Egg Department closed June, 1904. 



248 



FACTOBY TBABE. 

commenceTnent. 



Period. 



Ended. 



2 Years and 28^ Weeks, December, 1900 



s „ 


1906 


5 „ 


1910 


Year, 


1911 


„ (53 weeks) 


1912 


» 


1913 



Half Year, June, 

16 Years and 2i Weeks' Total 



1914 



Net Pbofit. 


Amount. 


Bate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


£ 


s. d. 


6,488 


8i 


35^26 


4§ ; 


14,121 


IS 


2,915 


og 


3,691 


ij 


1,024 


Oi 


136 


•• 


63,701 


li 



stocks 
at end. 



£ 

44,502 

77,749 
75,331 

93,935 
108.889 
128,457 

127,530 



AND EGG ^WABEHOUSE TBABE. 

commenceinent. 



Period. 



Ended. 



i Years and 37 Weeks, December, 1900 



S „ 
5 „ 
Year, 

„ (53 weeks) 

»» 
Half Year, 



June, 



1905 
1910 

1911 
1912 
1913 

1914 



18 Years and 11 Weeks' Total 



Net Profit. 



Amount. 



£ 
7,496 

10,418 
11,389 

293 
4,595 
4,330 



38,907 



I Stocks 

Rate at end. 

per je on 

Supplies. 



s. d. 

4i 

3| 

4i I 

Of , 

81 I 

7i l| 

li ii 



14,053 

6,279 
11,960 

8,655 

4,031 

15,843 



41 



249 



LONGSIGHT PRINTING 

From 



Period. Ended. 



47 Weeks, December, 1895. 

8 Tears, „ 1900. 

5 „ „ 1905. 

5 „ „ 1910. 

Year, „ 1911. 

„ (53wks) „ 1912. 

„ „ 1913. 

Half Year, June, 1914. 



Net 
Supplies. 



£ 

7,512 

177,885 
429,902 
641,046 

158,844 
160,300 
175,533 

94,927 



19 Years and 5 Months' Total | 1,845,949 



Expenses. 



Wages & 
Sundry. 



79,927 
187,020 
285,554 

69,928 
75,379 
78,984 

43,504 



823,637 



Deprecia- 
tion. 



10,957 
21,830 
30,076 

6,290 
6,303 
6,344 

2,724 



85,115 



Interest. 



£ 
415 

5,531 
11,188 
14,869 

2,943 
2,789 
2,561 

1,325 



41,641 



Total. 



£ 

4,397 

96,415 
220,038 
330,519 

79,161 
84,471 
87,839 

47,553 



950,393 



LEICESTER PRINTING 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages 

and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


8 Year & 39 Wee* s, December, 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks; „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 
27,412 

21,041 
22,977 
27.549 

15,878 


£ 
10,296 

8,284 
8,750 
11,136 

6,278 


£ 
1,282 

758 
639 
684 

684 


£ 
724 

409 
355 
352 

389 . 


£ 
12,302 

9,451 
9,744 
12,172 

7,351 


5^ Years' Total 


114,857 


44,744 


4,047 


2,229 


51,020 







260 



^VORKS TRADE, 

commencement. 



Period. Ended. 



47 Weeks, December, 1895 

S Tears, „ 1900 

S „ „ 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 

19 Years and 5 Months' Total 



Nbt PBoriT. 



Amount. 



£ 

475 

6,798 
13,369 
18,952 



Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 



s. d. 
1 31 

9i 

71 

I 
7 



Stocks 
at end. 



4,836 j 7i 
1,948 I 21 
4,921 



1,137 



61 

2J 



52,431 



^ 



1,089 

11,818 
18,695 



32,187 
34,956 

32,941 



ViTORKS TRADE. 

commencement. 



Period. 



Ended. 



1 Year & 39 Weeks, December, 1910 



Year, 



(53 wks) 



Half Year, 



June, 



1911 
1912 
1913 

1914 



5i Years' Total. 



Net Profit. 



I Bate 
Amount. ! per £ on 
Supplies. 



£ 
967 

570 



621 

313 



,910 



s. d. 

8i 

6i 

1 3 
5g 

41 



Stocks 
at 
end. 



8k 



£ 
2,826 

3,346 
4,621 
4,909 

5,509 



251 



PELA'W PBINTING 

Since publishing a separate 



Period. Ended. 



2 Years, December, 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

„ „ 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 
lOJ Years' Total . . 



Net 
Supplies. 




EXPE 


NSES. 




Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


15,530 


6,634 


1,143 


700 


8,477 


62,735 


27,508 


4,044 


1,862 


33,414 


21,390 


8,535 


1,458 


624 


10,617 


21,411 


9,214 


1,415 


600 


11,229 


26,785 


10,746 


1,375 


546 


12.667 


13,899 


6,203 


699 


296 


7,198 


161,750 


68,840 


10,184 


4,628 


83,602 



LITTLEBOBOUGH FLANNEL 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


2| Years, December, 1900 . ... 


£ 
56,517 

100,878 

118,709 

25,495 
26,417 
25,756 

9,722 


£ 
12,093 

28,098 

29,959 

6,141 
6,271 
6,262 

3,244 


£ 
1,515 

2,287 

1,900 

380 
380 
380 

190 


£ 
952 

2,547 

2,611 

528 
517 
510 

300 


£ 
14,560 


5 „ „ 1905... 


32,932 


S „ „ 1910 


34,470 


Year, „ 1911 


7,049 


„ (53wks) „ 1912 

„ 1913 


7,168 
7,152 


Half Year, June, 1914 '. 


3.734 






16J Years' Total 


863,494 


92,068 


7,082 


7,965 


107,066 







252 



W^OBKS TRADE. 

Account in Balance Sheet. 



Period. Enped. 



2 Tears, December, 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 
„ „ 1913 

Half Tear, June, 1914 
10^ Tears' Total . . . 



Net Profit. 



Amonnt. 



Rate per £ 
on Supplies. 



1,208 



481 

790 



3,722 



B. d. 

Si 

4i 

71 

61 

7 

Of 



5* 



Stocks 
at end. 



£ 

315 

3,150 

3,147 
3,119 
3392 

4,313 



MILL TRADE. 

commencement. 



Period. 



Ended. 



23 Tears, December, 1900 
5 „ „ 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Tear, „ 1911 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Tear, June, 1914 
16J Tears' Total 



Net Profit. 



Amount. 



£ 
18 

400 

4,730 



1,739 
870 



57 



8,805 



Bate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 



s. d. 

Oi 

9i 

91 

1 3| 
8 

If 



5| 



Stocks 
at end. 



£ 

7,992 

7,693 
10,089 

10,158 
11,215 
12,911 

20,178 



868 



HUTH^VAITE HOSIERY 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and 
Sundry. 


Depre- 
ciation. 


Interest. 


Total. 


2h Years, December, 1905 


£ 
168,315 

365,805 

107,290 
126,958 
158,318 

72,296 


£ 

44,581 

102,696 

24,358 
30,816 
35,805 

19,512 


£ 
5,120 

11,996 

2,559 
2,920 
3.197 

1,689 


£ 
4,559 

12,364 

2,762 
2,952 
2,924 

1,581 


£ 
54,260 

127,056 


5 „ „ 1910 


Year, „ 1911 ... 


29,679 
36.688 


„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 


„ „ 1913 


41,926 


Half Year, June, 1914 


22,782 






11 Years' Total 


998,977 


257,768 


27,481 


27,142 


312,391 





Note.— Business transferred from Leicester to Huthwaite June, 1908. 



DESBOBO' COBSET 

From 





. Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


Half Year, December, 1905 


5,142 


2,286 


56 


131 


2,473 


5 Years, „ 1910 


115,418 


43,433 


5,269 


3,911 


52,613 


Year, „ 1911 


34,208 


11,237 


1,105 


785 


13,127 


„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 


34,103 


11.840 


1,129 


790 


13,759 


1913 


37,569 


12,187 


1,134 


714 


14,085 


Half Year, June, 1914 


23,161 


6,703 


572 


366 


7,641 


9 Years' Total 


249,601 


87,686 


9,265 


6,697 


103.648 







254 



FACTORY TRADE. 

commencevtent. 





Nkt Profit. 


Net Loss. 




Pbkiod. Ended. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


Amount. 


Bate 
per £ on 
Sapplies. 


stocks 
at end. 


2k Tears. December. 1905 


£ 

255 


s. d. 
Oi 

•• 

5i 
7g 
3| 

3 


40,196 


8. d. 
2 2i 

•• 
.. 


£ 
26,549 


5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 

11 Years' Total 

Less Profit 


2,368 
4,037 
2.498 

930 


49,919 

47,805 

, 55,548 

59,438 

75,254 


10,088 


•• 


40,198 
10,088 




1 •••• 






1 






30,110 


n 






I 


! 



FACTORY TRADE. 

commencement. 





Net Promt. 


Net Loss. 




Period. Ended. 


Amount. 


Bate 
per £ on ' 
Supplies. 


Rate 
Amount, per £ on 
1 SuppUes. 


Btocks 
at end. 


Half Year, December, 1905 


JB 

1,084 
1,124 
1,163 

1,340 


8. d. 

7i 
7S 

71 

1 n 


£ 
484 

3,069 


8. d. 
llOi 

61 


£ 
7,558 

11,337 

11,344 


5 Years, „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 


„ (53week8) „ 1912 

„ „ 1913 


12,987 
11,525 


Half Year, June, 1914 


10,765 






9 Years' Total 


4,661 
3,553 


" 


3,553 


















Leares Net Profit 


1,108 


1 


1 


•• 









256 



BKOUG-HTON SHIBT 

Since publishing a separate 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and 
Sundry. 


Depre- 
ciation. 


Interest. \ Total. 


i Years, December 1910 


£ 
316,938 

102,092 
125,477 
140,406 

70,469 


£ 
, 69,831 

21,523 
26,218 


£ 
8,994 

902 


£ 
4,449 

975 


£ 
78,274 

93 inn 


Year, „ 1911 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 


930 


980 28,128 
1,242 aa.ERR 


„ „ 1913 


30,166 
, 15,712 


1,160 
630 


Half Year, June, 1914 


669 


17,011 




7^ Years' Total 


755,382 


163,450 


7,616 


8,815 


179,381 





BATLEY ^VSTOOLLEN 

From 



PiTPTnTi 'RiJ-mT'n 


Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 


Expenses. 




Wages & 
Sundry, 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


4 Years, December, 1890 

5 „ „ 1895 

S „ „ 1900 

3 „ „ 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911..; 

„ (53 wks),, 1912 

,. 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 
44,326 

95,265 
183,387 
245,026 
256,059 

55,786 
51,384 
59,334 

34,466 


£ 
47,618 

94,954 
183,125 
245,771 
264,100 

57,686 
53,562 
60,905 

31,734 


£ 
20,978 

31,138 
48,641 
71,871 
81,869 

17,959 
17,523 
18,966 

9,673 


£ 
1,124 

?.,9H9 
4,394 
8,374 
8,729 

1,924 
1,924 
1,955 

989 


1,607 

1,990 
2,808 
4,566 
6,201 

. 
1,353 
1,327 
1,260 

663 


£ 
28,704 

35,367 
55,843 
84,811 
96,799 

21,236 
20,774 
22,181 

11,325 


27% Years' Total 


1,025,033 


1,039,455 


318,618 


31,652 


21,776 


872,040 



256 



FACTORY TRADE. 

Account in Balance Sheet. 



! Net Profit. 


Net Loss. 




Period. Ended. 

. Amount. 


Bate 
per £ on 
aupplies. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per jB on 
SuppUes. 


Stocks 
at end. 


£ 
4 Years, December, 1910 

Tear, „ 1911 854 

„ (53wk8) „ 1912 2,537 

„ „ 1913 1,687 

Half Year, June, 1914 2,070 


8. d. 

! 

2 : 

4| 

2i ; 

7 1 


£ 
12 


8. d. 


£ 
«3,251 

14,684 
26,906 
24,925 

32,636 


7i Years' Total I 7,148 


i 


12 


■' 






1 


Leaves Net Profit 7,136 


21 


•■ 


•• 


1 




1 



MILL TRADE. 

commencement. 





Expenses. 








Peeiod. Ended. 


Rate on Pao- 

DUCTION. 


Net Profit. 


Stocks 




Per cent. 


Perje. 


Amount. 


Rate 

per £ on 
Supplies. 


at end. 


4 Years, December, 1890 


£ s. d. 
49 15 7 

37 4 llj 
30 9 10| 

34 10 li 
36 13 0§ 

36 16 3i 

38 15 8| 
36 8 4i 

35 13 8g 


s. d. 
9 111 

7 5| 
6 IJ 

6 10| 

7 3i 

7 4i 
7 9 
7 31 

7 11 


£ 
♦6796 

3,089 
7,648 
7,244 
5,946 

1,881 
1,367 
1,301 

1,018 


s. d. 
3 (^ 

71 
10 
7 
5i 

8 
61 
6i 

7 


£ 
7,326 

8,139 
10,904 


5 „ „ 1895 


S „ „ 1900 


5 „ „ 1905 


12,886 


5 „ „ 1910 


17,589 


Year, „ 1911 


17,850 
21,614 
23,964 

20,263 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 


„ „ 1913 


Half Year, June, 1914 




27* Years' Total 


35 15 10 


7 li 


22,648 


5i 









♦Loss. 
267 



BUBY ^ATEAVING- 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


37 Weeks, December, 1905 

5 Years, „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (58wks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 
27,620 

410,746 

114,534 
111,957 
109,909 

58,588 


1 

7,668 

i 89,517 

21,690 
20,016 
22,015 

11,597 


£ 
1,223 

12,145 

2,577 
2,664 
2,724 

1,362 


£ 
823 

8,177 

1,9«1 
1,641 

1,387 

727 


£ 
9,714 

109,83* 

26,228 

• 24,321 

26,126 

13,686 


9 Years and 11 Weeks' Total. . 


833,354 


172,503 


22,695 


14,716 


209,914 



BADCLIFFE ^WEAVING 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 

1 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and 
Sundry, 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


20 Weeks, December, 1912 

Year, „ 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 

981 

17,470 
21,907 


£ 
1,100 

6,779 

4,923 


£ 
120 

947 

652 


£ 
66 

611 

443 


£ 
1,286 

8,337 

6,018 


1 Year and 46 Weeks' Total. . 


40,358 


12,802 


1,719 


1,120 


15,641 



258 



SHED TRADE. 

commencement. 





Nkt Profit. 


Net Loss. 




Period, Ehsed. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ ou 
Supplies. 


Stocks 
at end. 




£ 


B. d. 


'£ 


s. d. 


£ 


37 Weeks, December, 1905 






650 


61 


6,129 


5 Years, „ 1910 


1,937 


li 


,^ 


•• 


81,918 


Year, „ 1911 


188 


Oi 


.. 


.. 


34,784 


„ (53wks) „ 1912 


1,156 


2g 




•• 


21,458 


1913 


1,473 


Si 




•• 


22,537 


Half Year, June, 1914 


984 


4 






24,126 


9 Years and 11 Weeks' Total. . 


5,737 
650 


•• 


650 


•• 














Leaves Net Profit 


5,087 


If 









SHED TBADE. 

commencement. 





Net Profit. i 


Net Loss. I 

1 




Period. Endkd. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. , 


Amount. 


Rate 

per £ on | 
Supplies. ' 


Stocks 
at end. 


20 Weeks, December, 1912 

Year, „ 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 

■ • 
40 


1 
1 

i 
Oi 


£ 

587 

3,056 


1 

8. d. 

3 5i 


£ 

4,208 

12,066 
13,971 


1 Year and 46 Weeks' Total. . 


40 


•• 


3,643 
40 


•• 


•• 




Less Profit. 
Leaves Net 








Loss 






8,603 


1 9i 





259 



LEEDS CLOTHING 

From 



Period. 



Ended. 



2i Tears, 


December 


1890 


8 » 


„ 


1895 


s „ 


„ 


1900 


s „ 


„ 


1905 


s „ 


.. 


1910 


Year, 


„ 


1911 


„ (53 wks) „ 


1912 


»» 


„ 


1913 



Half Year, June, 1914. 
25| Years' Total . . . 



Net 
Supplies. 



£ 

10,652 

97,978 

198,863 

251,014 

288,718 

65,239 

71,975 
83,806 

52,450 



1,120,695 



Expenses. 



Wages & 
Sundry. 



£ 

6,414 
53,712 
109,204 
137,638 
164,333 

39,361 
39,663 
50,154 

28,752 



629,231 



Deprecia- 
tion. 



£ 

149 

903 

2,639 

5,366 

4,978 

1,242 
1,326 
2,323 

1,000 



19,025 



Interest. 



£ 

128 

760 

1,740 

2,938 

3,118 



724 



Total. 



55,375 
113,583 
145,941 
172,424 

41,426 
41,821 
53,760 

30,476 



12,341 ! 661,497 



BBOUGHTON CLOTHING 

Since publishing a separate 



Pbriod. 



Ended. 



Half Year, December, 1895. 



S Years, 


1900 


8 „ 


1905 


8 „ » 


1910. 


Year, „ 


1911 


„ (53 wks) „ 


1912 


»> » 


1913 


Half Year, June, 


1914 


19 Years' Total 





Net 
Supplies. 



7,561 
146,319 
204,787 
215,743 

51,365 
52,441 
58,150 

34,501 



770,867 



Expenses. 



Wages & 
Sundry. 



£ 

4,920 

96,238 

127,974 



33,019 
35,690 
35,149 
18,713 



483,942 



Deprecia- 
tion. 



£ 

171 
3,671 
5,630 
5,860 

805 
821 
936 

507 



18,401 



Interest. 



Total. 



£ 

106 
2,252 
3,245 
8,124 

630 
704 
730 

436 



11,227 



£ 

5,197 
102,161 
136,849 
141,223 

34,454 
37,215 
36,815 

19,656 



513,570 



260 



FACTORY TRADE. 

commencement. 





Net PBoriT. 


Nkt Loss. 




Pkriod. Ended. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. , 


Amount. 


Rate 
per je on 
Supplies. 


Stocks 
at end. 


2i Years, December, 1890 

5 „ „ 1895 

5 „ „ 1900 

5 „ „ 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

„ „ 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 

5,663 
13,728 
10,949 

8,528 

1,445 
868 
417 

28 


s. d. 

1 li 
1 4i 
OlOi , 
7 

5| 
2i 
li 

Oh 


£ 
1,125 


B. d. 
2 li 


£ 

1,316 

5,276 
9,764 
8,860 
9,743 

li,482 
10,860 
15,515 

13,405 


25i Years' Total 


41,626 


.. 


1,125 


•• 


•- 




1,125 


" 


1 

1 




Leaves Net Profit 


40,501 


88 


> 









FACTORY TRAX)E. 

Account in tJie Balance Sheet. 



Net Profit. 



Period. Ended. 



Rate 



Net lioss. 



Stocks 
Rate i! at end. 



Amount. ! per £ on Amount, per £ on 



Half Year, December, 1895 

S Years, „ 1900 

5 „ „ 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 

19 Years' Total 

licss Loss 

Leaves Net Profit 



Supplies. 



Supplies. 



£ 


8. d. 


£ 


B. d. 


£ 


254 


8 




.. 


1,003 


.. 


,. 


1,677 


n 


5,453 


6,636 


71 


.. 


.. 


! 3,306 


12,335 


1 If 




■■ 


4,505 


692 


3i 






6,597 


.. 




425 


li 


8,203 


1,201 


4i 






10,326 


203 


li 




•• 


8,709 

1 


21,320 

i 
2,102 ! 


2,102 ! 










19,218 


5S 





261 



LEICESTER BOOT AND 

Since keeping 











Expenses. 




Period. Ended. 


Net 
Supplies. 


Produc- 
tion. 
























Wages* 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


2J Years, January, 1876 


86,565 


97,576 


28,264 


166 


914 


29,344 


S „ December, 1880 


369,857 


362,821 


127,772 


1,947 


4,987 


184,706 


S „ „ 1885 


495,321 


493,020 


182,021 


3,369 


5,822 


191,212 


S „ „ 1890 


771,134 


783,457 


291,291 


5,724 


7,622 


804,637 


S „ „ 1895 


1,264,427 


1,269,859 


495,923 


19,269 


23,491 


538,683 


S „ „ 1900 


1,560,965 


1,546,483 


593,400 


27,815 


24,566 


645,781 


a « .. 1905 


1,812,821 


1,781,627 


687,119 


25,134 


23,234 


735,487 


5 „ „ 1910 


1,834,286 


1,823,798 


662,930 


14,279 


25,712 


702,921 


Y«ar, „ 1911 


374,882 


363,231 


132,790 


662 


4,514 


137,966 


„ (58 wkB) „ 1912 


428,531 


412,209 


140,555 


494 


4,163 


145,212 


1913 


384,045 


369,697 


128,886 


677 


4,434 


133,997 


Half Year, June, 1914 


265,535 


244,520 


77,984 


344 


2,089 


80,367 


401 Years' Total 


9,647,869 


9,543,298 


3,548,885 


99,880 


131,548 


3,780,813 



262 



SHOE "WORKS TRADE. 

€. separate Account. 



Period. 



■2i Years, January, 1876 



December, 1880 



EXPKNSKS. 



Rats on 
Pboduction. 



Per cent. 



£ s. d. 
30 1 5§ 



Perje. 



s. d. 
6 OJ 



Net Pbofit. 



Amount. 



Rate 

per £ on 
Supplies. 



Year, 

„ (53 weeks) ,, 

Half Year, June, 



37 2 6| 7 5 

38 1*^ 8 I 7 9 



38 17 8 
42 8 4i 



41 15 li 8 4| 



1895 

1900 

1905 41 5 7i 

1910 38 10 9i 



7 9i 

8 51 



s. d. 
4* 



4,008 

4i 

35,946 Hi 

i 
24,347 4i 



7 81 



1911 
1912 
1913 

1914 



37 19 % 7 7J 

35 4 61 7 Oi 

36 4 10| 7 2J 



17 4i ' 6 



40i Years' Total 



39 11 9i 



7 11 



27,905 


4i 


16,617 


2 


40,084 


5i 


6,179 


^ 


7,577 


41 


3,305 


2 


5,991 


5i 


181,077 


^ 



263 



HECKMONDWTKE BOOT, SHOE, 

From 



Period. 



Ended. 



I Net 
I Supplies. 



Boot and 
Shoe 

Produc- 
tion. 



Half Year, December, 1880. 



£ 
3,060 



5 Years, 



Year, 

„ (53 weeks) 



Half Year, June, 



1885 ! 83,295 ! 

1890 139,007 ! 

1895 229,350 , 

1900 280,601 

1905 342,878 

1910 1 357,796 i 

1911 84,141 ; 

1912 1 105,738 

1913 115,202 



£ 
3,438 

85,197 
117,020 
192,594 
238,078 
307,637 



1914. 



34 Years' Total 1,800,382 1,645,494 



59,314 



Total Expenses 
(Including Currtjng Department). 



Wages & Deprecia-i t„x^^^„x 
Sundry, j tion. Interest. 



£ 
1,057 



44,539 

78,872 

100,647 

115,788 

115,619 



80,470 I 27,853 
103,790 34,194 

118,305 



20,028 



461 


1,038 


2,389 


2,857 


4,552 


5,408 


8,605 1 


6,104 


10,183 


6,161 


3,416 


4,652 



14 

14 

1,515 

795 



878 
1,152 
2,175 

1,200 



31,960 



Total. 



£ 
1,103 

29,323 
49,785 
88,832 
115,356 
132,132 
123,687 

28,745 
85,360 
42,088 

23,028 



31,655 j 668,434 



BUSHDEN BOOT ANI> 

Fro7n- 



Period. 



Ended. 



31 Weeks, December, 1900 
5 Years, 



Net 
Supplies. 



£ 
11,091 



Year, 

„ (53 weeks) 



1905 1 285,920 

1910 1 544,351 



1911 
1912 
1913 



Half Year, June, 1914 

II Years and 5 Weeks' Total. 



88,997 
89,796 
98,015 

57,138 



1,175,318 



Produc- 
tion. 



£ 

11,806 

295,640 
559,668 

76,017 
94,848 



53,686 



1,191,287 



Expenses. 



Wages & 
Sundry. 



£ 
4,215 

84,225 
153,740 

23,638 
27,777 
27,439 

16,147 



337,181 



Depre- 
ciation. 



£ 

68 

5,191 



2,515 
2,769 



1,412 



24,202 



Interest. 



3,867 
8,656 

2,035 
1,915 
1,907 

976 



19.489 



Total. 



171,835 

28,18& 
32,461 
32,154 

18,535 



264 



AND CUBRYING ^WOBKS TRADE 

commencement. 



EXPSNSKS. 



Boot 4 Shoe Rats 
ON Pboductiok. 



Nkt Profit. 



Net Loss. 



Period. 



Ended. 



Per cent, i Per £. 



Half Year, December, 1880. 



S Years, 

S „ 
5 „ 
S „ 
5 „ 
S „ 

Year, 

„ (53 weeks) 



Half Year, June, 



1885. 



1900. 
1905. 
1910. 

1911. 
1912. 
1913. 

1914. 



34 Years' Total 



Rate , Rate 

Amo'nt. per £ on i Amo'nt.) i)er £ on 
Supplies. - .. 



£ s. 


d. 


s. 


d. 


32 1 


n 


6 


4i 


34 8 

35 16 
38 2 
40 18 
37 19 
33 6 


l| 

l| 


6 

7 
7 
8 
7 
6 


1 


33 3 
31 17 
33 12 


83 

.1 


6 
6 
6 




31 19 


3* 


6 




35 IS lOi 


7 





Less Loss 

Leaves Net Profit. 



Stocks 
at end. 



71 
4,953 
9,416 



6,074 4i 



616 

1,364 

467 



406 


li 


23,367 


•• 


4,748 


•• 




18,619 



21 



SHOE ^W^OBKS TRADE. 

comm,en€e7nent. 



Period. 



Ended. 



31 Weeks, December, 1900 



5 Years, 


1905 


8 „ 


1910 


Year, 


1911 


„ (53 weeks) „ 


1912 


»» >» 


1913 



Half Year, June, 1914 

14 Years and S Weeks' Total. . . 



Expenses. 


1 










Net Profit. 




Rate on Production. 






' Stocks 


Per cent. 


Perje. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


at end. 


£ a. d. 


8. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


36 19 71 


7 4| 


964 


1 8| 


2,482 


31 11 0| 


6 31 


22,070 


1 6i 


20.549 


30 14 Og 


6 li 


27,392 


1 


38,333 


37 1 71 


7 4i 1 


869 


Oi 


25,076 


34 4 5| 


6 10J , 


716 


IS 


28,?;92 


32 5 6 


6 51 


720 


1| 


34,376 


34 10 51 


6 101 


331 


li ^ 


33,993 


31 19 4& 


6 4i 


52,562 


101 


■• 



265 



BBOUQHTON CABINET 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


31 Years, December, 1895 

5 „ „ 1900 

5 „ „ 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53 wks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 
22,423 

65,846 
69,879 
141,435 

32,136 
30,442 
36,616 

18,135 


£ 
15,442 

39,217 
36,847 
69,372 

15,806 
15.529 
17,907 

9,233 


£ 
1,216 

2,414 
2,921 
3,608 

690 
80 

86 

45 


£ 
1,326 

2,524 
2,363 
3,257 

741 

480 
476 

264 


£ 

17,984 

44,155 
42,181 
76,237 

17,237 
16,089 

18,469 

9,542 


21| Years' Total 


416,912 


219,353 


11,060 


11,481 


241,844 





LEEDS BRUSH 

Since publishing a separate 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended 


' ■ I 

"^^^ ""'S:'" I-*--'-^ Total. 

i i 


1 J Years, December, 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53 wks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


£ 
16,814 

109,505 

32,047 
33,498 
36,669 

20,624 


i 

i 7,530 

45,569 

12,880 
13,439 

14,918 

8,618 


: 

£ £ 
307 341 

3,272 2,544 

915 705 
955 678 
960 579 

484 801 

1 


£ 
8,178 

51,385 

14,500 
15,072 
16,457 
9,403 


18 Years' Total 


249,157 


102,954 


6,893 5,148 


114,995 



Note.— Huddersfield business transferred to Leeds, June, 1906. 
266 



WOBKS TRADE. 

commencement. 





Net Pkofit. 


Net Loss. 




Period. Ended. 


Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


Amount. 


Rate 

per £ on 
Supplies. 


Stocks 
at end. 




£ 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


3i Years, December, 1895 




•• 


1,305 


1 11 


7,257 


3 „ „ 1900 




.. 


5,950 


1 91 


4,452 


S „ „ 1905 




.. 


432 


li 


7,584 


5 „ „ 1910 


1,547 


21 




•• 


9,853 


Year, „ 1911 


201 


li 






1 10,917 


„ (53wks) „ 1912 


139 


1 






12,133 


1913 


188 


IJ 






12,797 • 


Half Year, June, 1914 


103 


li 




•• 


14,767 


213 Years' Total 


2,178 


•• 


7,687 
2,178 


•• 






Less Pro 
Leaves > 


fit 






ret Loss 






5,509 


3J 





FACTORY TRADE. 

Account in Balance Sheet. 



Period. 



Ended. 



Net Profit. 



11 Years, December, 1905 

5 „ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

„ „ 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 ' 

10 Years' Total ! 6,847 



Amount. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


£ 


s. d. 


565 


8 


3,907 


8i 


1,003 


7i 


873 


6J 


293 


IS 


206 


2| 



6i 



2d7 



KEIGHLEY 

From 





i 


Expenses. 




Pekiod. Ended. 


Supplies. ; Wages and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


2| Years, December, 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


r 
£ 1 £ 

40,970 i 17.167 

i 
19,712 i 8,283 

23,397 i 9,340 

29,536 11,082 

15,776 5,712 


£ 
1,418 

551 
562 
574 

287 


£ 
1,186 

485 
419 
420 

202 


£ 
19,721 

9,269 
10,321 
12,076 

6,201 


6 Years' Total 


129,391 ; 51,584 


3,392 


2,612 


57,588 





DUDLEY BUCKET AND 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


2i Years, December, 1910 


61,120 


24,717 


1,189 


954 


26,860 


Year, „ 1911 


25,546 


9,839 


440 


391 


10,670 


„ (53wks) „ 1912 


27,749 


10,402 


440 


378 


11,220 


1913 


31,570 


11,347 


440 


343 


12,130 


Half Year, June, 1914 


17,138 


1 6,500 


220 


169 


6,889 


6 Years' Total 


163,123 


62,805 


2,729 


2,235 


67,769 







268 



% 



IBON^WOBKS TBADE. 

commencement. 



Period. Ended. 



^ Years, December, 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

„ „ 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 



6 Years' Total 



Net PROFrr. i 








stocks 
at end. 


Amount. 


Rate per £ 
on Sapplies. 


£ . 


1 

8. d. 


£ 


89S 


5i 


4,699 


805 


9f 


4,651 


901 


9i 


6,887 


1^98 


1 Oi ^ 


5,939 


1,604 


2 Of 


6,204 


.'ifiOfi 


10? 





FENDER ^WORKS TRADE. 

comm^Ticement. 



Period. Ended. 



Net Profit. 



A„„„„* Rate per £ 
^"°^*- Ion Supplies. 



Stocks 
at end. 



2| Years, December, 1910 


£ 
2,149 

683 
1,266 
2,661 

1.137 


s. d. 
81 

« 61 

101 

1 7i 

1 3i 


£ 
3,849 


Year, „ 1911 .. 


4,069 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 


4,736 


„ „ 1913 


4,542 


Half Year, June, 1914 


4,454 






6 Years' Total 


7,786 


111 









269 



BIRTLEY TINPLATE 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


1 

Expenses. 

1 


Pkeiod. Ended. 


Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. Total. 


2| Tears, December, 1910 


£ 
16,745 

7,118 
7,489 
7,336 

3,512 


£ 
8,476 

3,016 
3,073 
3,291 

1,664 


£ 
742 

214 
212 
212 

106 


£ ! £ 
542 9.760 


Year, „ 1911 


172 
151 
134 

68 


3402 
3,436 
3,637 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 


1913 


Half Year, June, 1914 


1.838 






6 Years' Total 


42,150 


19,520 


1,486 


1,067 22.07.«i 









ROCHDALE PAINT, &c., 

From 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


42 Weeks, December, 1912 


£ 
5,156 

9,743 

6,765 


£ 
1,991 

2,759 

1,365 


£ 
264 

386 


£ 
206 

360 

96 


£ 
2,461 


Year. . 1913 . . . 


3,505 


Half Year, June, 1914 


1,461 






2 Years and IS Weeks' Total 


21,664 


6,115 


650 


662 


7,427 



270 



W^ORKS TRADE. 

commencement. 



Period. Ended. 



2| Years, December, 1910 

Year, „ 1911 

„ (53wks) „ 1912 

„ „ 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 
6 Years' Total 



Net Profit. 



Amoimt. 



Rate per je ! 
on Supplies. 



£ 

575 



s. d. 
8i 



2,300 



1 1 



Stocks 
at end. 



£ 
2,647 



523 


1 5| : 


2,246 


532 


1 5J 


1,920 


429 

1 


1 2 ! 


1,642 


241 


1 ih 


1,829 









WORKS TRADE. 

commencement. 





Net Profit. 


Net Loss. 




Period. Ended, 


Amount. 


Rate per £ 
on Supplies. 


Amount. 


Rate per £ 
on Supplies. 


Stocks 
at end. 


42 Weeks, December, 1912 


1 
£ 8. d. 

239 8i 

1 


£ 
757 

3,602 


s. d. 
2 114 


£ 
6,438 

6,369 

4,755 


Year, „ 1913 


Half Year, June, 1914 




2 Years and 15 Weeks' Total 


I 
239 


4,359 
239 




•• 


lit 


«s Prnflt. 








Jobs 




Lt 


saves Net 1 


4,120 


" 





271 



PELA"W TAILOBINQ, KEBSEY, 

Since publishing a separate 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages & 
Sundry. 


Deprecia- 
tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


2 Years, December, 1905 


£ 
65,992 

209,084 

46,455 
47,965 
52,342 

28,842 


£ 
20,918 

62,147 

14,198 
14,989 
15,912 

9,223 


£ 
2,371 

5,292 

1,083 
1,036 

988 

501 


£ 
1,398 

3,540 

810 
766 
647 

350 


£ 
24,687 

70,979 

16,091 


5 „ „ 1910 


Year, , 1911 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 


16,791 
17,547 

10,074 


1913 ... 


Half Year, June, 1914 




lOi Years' Total 


450,680 


137,387 


11,271 


7,511 


156,169 





peijA"w cabinet 

Since publishing a separate 





Net 
Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Period. Ended. 


Wages and Deprecia- 
Sundry. tion. 


Interest. 


Total. 


2 Years, December, 1905 

9 „ ■ „ 1910 

Year, „ 1911 


£ 
52,223 

152,676 

32,721 
34,204 

46,714 

24,956 


£ 
31,659 

' 78,509 

16,776 
17,604 
22,681 

12,600 


3,912 

.5,339 

123 
123 
107 

70 


£ 
2,434 

4,377 

337 
403 
468 

253 


38,005 

88,225 

17,236 
18,130 


,. (53 wks) .. 1912 


» 1913 

Half Year, June, 1914 


23,256 
12,923 






lOi Years' Total 


343,494 


179,829 


9,674 


8,272 


197,775 







272 



AND SHIBT FACTOBIES TRADE. 

Account in Balance Sheet. 





Net PBonr. 


1 

I 


Period. Ended. 


1 
A_-_„+ Rate per £ 
^™°^*- onSupVlies. 


Stocks 
at end. 


2 Tears. December. 1905 


£ 
725 

8494 

982 


8. d. 

21 

n 

4? 


£ 
5,606 


a 1910 


9,411 


Year, „ 1911 


11,219 


„ (53 wks) „ 1912 


793 3Z 


8,112 


1913 


1,459 
532 


6i 
4S 


9,491 


Half Tear, June, 1914 


8,995 








lOi Tears' Total 


12,635 6i 













^WORKS TRADE. 

Account in Balance Sheet. 



Period. 



Ended. 



Result of Working. 



2 Years, December, 1905 

5 ., „ 1910 

Tear, „ 1911 

„ (53 wks) „ 1912 
,, „ 1913 

Half Tear, June, 1914 
lOi Tears* Total .. 













Profit. 


Loss. 


Rate 
per £ on 
Supplies. 


Stocks 
at end. 


£ 


£ 


s. 


d. 


£ 




1,814 





8i 


9,877 




13,117 


1 


7 


1 8,520 

i 


287 







2 


10,480 


121 1 


.. 


i 


(^ 


12,211 


698 


•• 


1 


' 


13,331 


208 




! 

i 


2 


' 15,472 


•• 


12,707 


1 
1 


Si 





273 



DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PEE CENT. ON 



SALES= 

Expenses= 



Wages 

Auditors 

Scrutineers 

Committees 

Price Lists : Printing 

„ „ Postage 

Printing and Stationery 

Periodicals 

Travelling 

Stamps 

Telegrams 

Telephones 

Miscellaneous 

Advertisements and Showcards 

" Wheatsheaf " Record 

Rents, Rates, and Taxes 

Power, Water, Lighting, and Heating 

Exhibition and Congress 

Quarterly Meetings 

Employes' Picnic 

Legal 

" Annual," 1913 

Dining-rooms 

Repairs, Renewals, &c 

National Health, &c., Insurance 

Insurance 

Depreciation : Land 

„ Buildings 

„ Fixtures, &c 

Interest 

Totals 



GRAND TOTAL. 



(,691,320. 



Amount. 



£ s. d. 
300323 6 

999 5 9 

31 12 11 

10763 7 11 

7979 16 

757 4 

15645 9 11 

382 12 11 



6 7 

680 19 2 

2267 1 2 

2674 9 1 

6733 13 11 

11868 6 11 

15024 3 7 

8476 11 7 

2104 9 6 

1250 7 3 

400 9 

119 2 4 

924 17 10 

25595 11 6 

19764 3 5 

1772 17 11 

5680 19 10 

6546 18 6 

21971 7 1 

9338 19 10 

88971 11 7 



Rate per 
£100. 



s. d. 

20 2-76 

0-81 

0-03 

8-70 

6-45 

0-61 

1 0-65 
0-31 

2 7-44 
8-35 
0-51 
1-83 
2-1& 
5-44 

9-59 

1 0-14 
6-85 
1-70 
1-01 
0-32 
0-10 

0-75 

1 8-69 
1 3-98 
1-43 
4-59 

5-29 

1 5-76 
7-55 
5 11-92 



41 7-72 



274 



SALES FOE THE YEAE ENDED DECEMBEE 27th, 1913. 



sxjnsnAiii^xKY' of xsiarrRxcrr rro'm.rjS. 


MANCHESTER. 


NEWCASTLE. 


LONDON. 


£17,021,192. 


£5,670,321. 


£6,999,807. 


Amount. 


"JfoT' 


Amoont. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


£ 8. d. 
151015 5 3 


s. d. 
17 8-93 


£ 8. d. 
73065 12 9 


8. d. 
26 9-25 


£ s. d. 
76242 8 


8. d. 
21 9-41 


589 14 5 


0^6 


216 15 5 


0^ 


242 15 11 


083 


18 1 6 


0-03 


5 19 


003 


7 12 5 0-03 


5439 1 6 


7-67 


2994 19 7 


1 0-68 


2.329 6 10 7-99 


4833 4 11 


6-81 


1169 4 9 


4-95 


1977 6 4 


6-78 


507 10 11 


0-72 


57 16 5 


0-24 


191 13 


fr66 


8299 8 6 


11-70 


3305 7 


1 1-99 


4040 14 5 


1 1-85 


203 4 11 


0-29 


81 13 2 


0-84 


97 14 10 


0-34 


19217 3 2 


2 3-10 


7429 14 4 


2 7-45 


12246 12 3 


3 5-99 


5337 5 7 


7-53 


2643 18 5 


11-19 


2346 2 7 


804 


303 19 10 


0-43 


261 7 5 


1-11 


65 11 11 ' 0-23 


1063 3 10 


1-50 


412 15 5 


1-75 


791 1 11 2-71 


1557 12 10 


2-20 


587 12 


2-49 


529 4 3 


1-82 


4060 2 


5-72 


1148 11 7 


4-86 


1525 2 2 


5-23 


6781 17 4 


9-56 


2228 5 8 


9-43 


2858 3 11 


9-80 


7039 6 6 


9-93 


3696 18 


1 3-65 


4287 19 1 


1 2-70 


4672 10 1 


6-59 


1857 14 


7-86 


1946 7 6 


6-67 


1566 19 8 


2-21 


244 10 9 


103 


292 19 1 100 


835 2 7 


1-18 


61 11 2 


0i26 


353 13 6 1-21 


238 3 


033 


62 2 


0^ 


100 4 0-34 


16 6 8 


0-02 


10 15 5 


0-04 


92 3 0-32 


528 4 3 


0-74 


173 18 


0-74 


222 15 7 0-76 


14462 16 2 


1 8-39 


6063 4 6 


2 1-66 


5069 10 10 1 1 5-38 


10446 11 3 


1 2-73 


4429 5 6 


1 6-75 


4888 6 8 1 4-76 


927 3 7 


1-31 


410 7 1 


1-74 


435 7 3 1-49 


2512 7 8 


3-54 


1452 11 10 


615 


1716 4 j 5-88 


4346 3 8 


6-13 


1245 9 8 


5-27 


955 5 2 1 3-28 


9478 12 11 


1 1-36 


6399 14 9 


2 *09 


6092 19 5 1 8-89 


5494 9 6 


7-75 


1791 14 5 


7-58 


^052 15 11 7-04 


45637 13 1 


5 4-35 


19671 9 6 


6 11-26 


23662 9 6 9-13 


317379 5 3 


37 3-51 


143180 19 6 


50 6-02 


157660 4 4 45 0-56 



275 



DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PER CENT. ON 





:]y^J^Is^CHc:H]STEI^. 




TOTALS. 


GROCERY. 


COAL. 


SALBS = 


£17,021,192. 


£13,901,860 


• 


£429,026. 


Expenses = 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Amount. 


Rate per 
jEIOO. 


Amount. 


Rate per 

jeioo. 


Wages 


£ a. d. 
151015 5 8 


s. d. 
17 8-93 


£ 8. d. 
72933 11 4 


8. 

10 


d. 
5-91 


£ 8. d. 
1797 7 1 


8. d. 
8 4-55 


Auditors 


539 14 6 

18 1 6 

5439 1 6 


o o c. 


875 6 

14 14 6 

2929 16 10 







0-65 
0-08 
506 


8 13 5 
9 4 
51 5 


0'49 


Scrutineers 


0'03 


Committees 


2-85 


Price Lists : Printing 


4833 4 n 


6-81 


2230 14 2 





3-85 







„ „ Postage .... 


£07 10 11 


0-72 


446 11 





0-77 







Printing and Stationery. . 


8299 8 6 


11-70 


4682 15 9 





8-08 


229 2 4 


1 0-82 


Periodicals 


203 4 11 


0-29 


158 1 8 





0-27 


4 2 9 


0-23 




19217 3 2 


2 310 


7569 13 1 


1 


1-07 


489 19 4 


2 3-41 




5337 5 7 


7-53 


4263 15 1 





7-36 


132 9 6 


7-41 




303 19 10 


0-43 


208 7 2 


n 


0-36 


6 7 6 


0-36 


Telephones 


1063 3 10 


1-50 


839 13 6 





1-45 


26 6 


1-46 


Miscellaneous 


1557 12 10 


2-20 


1081 19 2 





1-87 


28 13 


1-60 


Adverts, and Showcards. . 


4060 2 


5-72 


3145 18 8 





5-43 


63 2 1 


3-53 


"Wheatsheaf" Record .. 


6781 17 4 


9-56 


5530 15 2 





9-55 


175 


9-79 


Rents, Rates, and Taxes.. 

Power, Water, Lighting, 

and Heating 


7039 6 6 
4672 10 1 


9-93 
6-59 


3055 15 7 
1325 11 3 






5-28 
2-29 


29 3 
42 11 4 


1-63 
2-38 


Exhibition and Congress 


1566 19 8 


2-21 


1065 19 6 





1-84 


30 4 1 


1-69 


Quarterly Meetings 


835 2 7 


1-18 


681 4 





1-18 


21 10 8 


1-20 


Employes' Picnic 


238 3 


0-33 


95 14 7 





017 


4 9 


0-01 


Legal 


16 6 8 


0*02 


14 10 7 





0-02 


10 




"Annual," 1913 


528 4 3 


0-74 


429 19 8 





0-74 


13 16 3 


0-77 




14462 16 2 

10446 11 3 

927 3 7 


1 8-39 


9884 6 3 


1 


5-07 


204 18 4 


11-46 


Repairs, Renewals, &c. . . 

National Health, &c., 

Insurance 


1 2-73 
1-31 


6722 3 10 
483 15 1 


11*60 
0-84 


538 14 6 
12 12 9 


2 6-14 
0-71 


Insurance 


2512 7 8 


3-54 


1208 10 





2-09 


4 2 


0-23 


Depreciation: Land 


4346 3 8 


6-] 3 


1740 9 10 





300 


19 13 1 


110 


Buildings.. 


9478 12 11 


1 1-36 


3706 10 11 





6-40 


42 18 5 


-2-40 


„ Fixtures, &c. 


5494 9 6 


7-75 


2760 16 9 





4-76 


47 16 4 


2-67 


Interest 


45637 13 1 


5 4-36 


24813 1 5 


8 


6-83 


453 19 


2 1-39 






Totals 


317379 5 3 


37 3-51 


164398 17 7 


23 


7-82 


4474 12 9 


20 10-31 



276 



SALES FOR THE YEAE ENDED DEC. 27th, im— continued. 



liJI^IsrOIIESTEI^. 


DRAPERY. 


WOOLLENS AND 
READY-MADES. 

£825,775. 


BOOTS AND SHOES. 


FURNISHING. 


£1,259,157. 


£538,661. 


£566,713. 


Amount "^foT' 


Amoont. j 


Rate per 

jeioo. 


Amount. 


Rate per 

jeioa 


Amonnt. 


Rate per 


£ s. d. 
39162 10 3 


s. d. 
62 2-45 


£ s. d. 
10614 3 9 


8. d. 

65 1-95 


£ s. d. 1 
11444 6 11 


8. d. 
42 5-90 


£ 8. d. 

15063 5 11 


8. d. 
53 192 


75 17 


1-44 


19 9 8 


1-43 


32 10 3 1 


1-45 


28 3 7 


1-19 


1 7 6 


0^ 


7 1 


0-03 


11 8 1 


oroa 


11 5 


0-03 


1099 4 8 


1 8^5 


276 15 2 


1 8-39 


552 12 9 


2 0-62 


529 11 8 


1 10-43 


1107 1 9 


1 9-10 


1466 10 6 


9 0-04 


.... 





28 18 6 


1-23 


41 8 3 


0^ 














20 1 9 


0-85 


1870 13 2 


2 11-65 


324 9 2 


1 11-90 


519 12 1 


1 11-16 


672 16 


2 4-49 


21 10 4 


0-41 


6 18 3 


0-51 


5 14 10 


0-2€ 


6 17 1 


0-29 


6769 6 2 


10 9-02 


2115 18 10 


12 11-88 


835 6 9 


3 1-22 


1436 19 


5 0-86 


456 16 10 


8-71 


112 10 9 


8-29 


181 1 2 


8-07 


190 12 3 


807 


33 17 1 


0-65 


13 7 


0-98 


7 4 


0-32 


34 17 1 


1-48 


94 10 5 


1-80 


27 15 11 


2-05 


39 1 7 


1-74 


36 1 11 


1-53 


274 11 5 


5-23 


58 4 


4-29 


54 4 2 


2-42 


60 1 1 


2-54 


329 19 1 6-29 


93 13 


6-90 


342 6 9 


1 3-25 


85 7 


3-60 


514 15 9 1 9-81 


129 7 5 


9-53 


217 16 11 


9-71 


214 2 1 


9-07 


1725 13 7 i 2 8-89 


288 17 7 


1 9-28 


560 6 2 


2 0-97 


1379 10 7 


4 10-42 


1707 5 


2 8-54 


242 6 8 


1 5-85 


407 5 


1 6-14 


947 15 5 


3 4-14 


210 7 3 


4-01 


45 11 3 


3-36 


105 4 1 


4-69 


109 13 6 


4-64 


63 7 1 1-21 


15 18 3 


1-17 


26 16 3 


119 


26 6 4 


111 


81 11 8 1-56 


16 14 10 


1-24 


17 9 


0-78 


26 8 2 


112 


1 11 11 003 


10 


.... 


1 3 


.... 


1 1 




40 1 5 0-76 


! 10 8 4 


0-77 


17 6 3 


o-n 


16 12 4 


0-70 


2173 18 6 3 5-44 


502 16 


3 1-04 


882 16 11 


3 3-34 


814 2 


2 10-47 


1334 13 5 ! 2 1-44 


358 9 4 


2 2-41 


607 8 


2 3^)5 


885 9 6 


3 1-50 


227 16 6 4-34 


56 4 4 


414 


55 18 8 


2-49 


90 16 3 


3-85 


527 17 2 10-06 


289 17 6 


1 9-36 


190 7 8 


8-48 


292 2 6 


1 0-37 


1030 19 4 1 1 7-65 


197 3 2 


1 2-52 


415 1 3 


1 6-49 


i 942 17 


3 3-93 


2821 7 10 


1 3 8-25 


449 13 9 


2 9-13 


911 2 1 


3 4-59 


2046 19 11 


7 2-69 


1503 19 11 


' 2 4-67 


81 6 8 


5-99 


158 5 


7-05 


942 4 10 


3 3-90 


8625 6 4 


13 8-40' 


3167 14 


19 5-37 


4480 7 3 


16 7-62 


1 4097 5 1 


14 5-52 


73429 2 


116 7-58 


1 20982 13 


128 9-80 


1 23067 17 4 


85 7-79 


i 31026 2 7 


109 5-94 



277 



DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND EATE PEE GENT. ON 




n^TZE^W^OJ^STXjIB. 




TOTALS. 


GROCERY. 


COAL. 


SALES = 


£5,670,321. 


£4,040,879. 


£120,658. 


Expenses = 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Wages 


& s. 
73065 12 


d. 
9 


s. d. 
25 9-25 


£. s. d. 
26832 8 10 


s. d. 
13 8-37 


& s. d. 
365 5 6 


s. d. 
6 0-66 


Auditors 


216 15 


5 


0-92 


119 4 6 


0-71 


2 3 3 


0-43 


Scrutineers 


5 19 





0-03 


4 3 7 


003 


2 8 


0-03 


Committees 


2994 19 


7 


1 0-68 


1324 1 10 


7-86 


8 14 


1-60 


Price Lists: Printing 


1169 4 


9 


4-95 


235 6 1 


1-40 






„ „ Postage 


57 16 


5 


0-24 


57 16 5 


0-34 







Printing and Stationery. . 


3305 7 





1 1-99 


1321 9 8 


7-85 


31 10 4 


6-27 


Periodicals 


81 13 


9. 


0-34 


48 14 2 


0-29 


1 13 10 


0-34 


Travelling ... .... 


7429 14 


4 


2 7-45 


1320 19 7 


7-85 


51 18 5 


10-31 


Stamps 


2643 18 


5 


11-19 


1084 15 7 


6-44 


8 10 7 


1-70 


Telegrams 


261 7 


i=> 


rii 


125 19 10 


0*75 


13 5 


013 




412 15 


5 


1-75 


299 17 8 


1-78 


3 18 7 


0-78 


Miscellaneous 


587 12 





2-49 


379 8 6 


2-25 


6 3 9 


1-23 


Adverts, and Showcards. . 


1148 11 


7 


4-86 


716 14 11 


4-26 


18 12 8 


3-71 


"Whjeatsheaf" Record .. 


2228 5 


8 


9-43 


1567 19 9 


9-31 


48 14 5 


9-69 


Rents, Rates, and Taxes. . 

Power, Water, Lighting, 

and Heating 


3696 18 
1857 14 






1 3-65 
7-86 


892 18 3 
1426 17 6 


5-30 
8-47 


4 19 
25 9 9 


0-98 
5-07 


Exhibition and Congress . 


244 10 


9 


1-03 


164 17 7 


0-98 


5 6 3 


106 


Quarterly Meetings 


61 11 


2 


0-26 


43 5 6 


0-26 


17 1 


0-27 


Employes' Picnic 


62 2 





0-26 


15 11 


0-09 







Legal 


10 15 


5 


004 


10 11 4 


0-06 


3 




*' Annual," 1913 


173 18 





0-74 


122 1 8 


0-73 


3 17 5 


0-77 




6063 4 


^ 


2 1-66 


4048 17 


2 0-05 


147 11 3 


2 5-35 


Repairs, Renewals, Ac. . . 

National Health, &c.. 

Insurance 


4429 5 
410 7 


6 
1 


1 6-75 
1*74 


2271 19 
128 14 5 


1 1-49 
0-76 


49 14 2 
2 4 


9-89 
0-44 


Insurance 


1452 11 10 


6-15 


696 13 10 


4-14 


18 


0-28 


Depreciation : Land 


1245 9 


8 


5-27 


488 11 11 


2-90 


3 


0-60 


„ Buildings . . 


6399 14 


9 


2 3-09 


3362 2 2 


1 7-97 


11 4 


2-23 


„ Fixtures, &c. 


1791 14 


5 


7-58 


1023 9 2 


6-08 


5 9 4 


1-09 


Interest 


19671 9 


6 


6 11-26 


8990 6 8 


4 5-40" 


132 16 1 


2 2-41 






Totals 


143180 19 


6 


50 6-02 


59125 17 11 


29 3-17 


941 15 4 


15 7-32 







278 



SALES FOE THE YEAE ENDED DEC. 27th, 191S— continued. 



liTIES-W-C -A.S T liE . 


DRAPERY. 


WOOLLENS AND 
READY-MADE 8. 


BOOTS AND SHOES. 


FURNISHING. 


£684,483. 


£207,330. 


£262,588. 


£354,383. 


Amouut. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Axnonn. \^^<^^ 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


£ s. d. s. d. 
21978 15 5 1 64 264 


£ 8. d. 
4270 16 7 


s. d. 
41 2-39 


£ 8. d. 8. d. 

5659 9 2 1 43 1*26 

1 


£ s. d. 
13958 15 3 


8. d. 
78 9-33 


41 3 9 1 1-44 


13 8 


1-51 


17 6 10 


1-58 


23 16 10 


1-62 


14 10 003 


4 7 


0-03 


5 9 


0-03 


7 7 


0i)3 


€89 11 5 


2 0-18 


220 16 7 


2 1-56 


370 14 8 


2 9-88 


381 13 9 


2 1-85 


311 1 3 


10-91 


605 14 5 


5 10-12 


6 13 6 


0-61 


10 9 6 


0-71 


844 15 6 


2 5-62 


.... 
300 1 9 


2 10-74 


224 4 


1 8-49 


583 5 9 j 3 3-50 


12 6 


0-42 


4 10 3 


0-52 


5 5 6 


0-48 


9 8 11 1 0-64 


3671 15 2 10 5-24 


986 1 8 


9 615 


301 10 4 


2 3-56 


1197 9 2 6 9-10 


813 17 1 


e. 4-54 


116^ 8 10 


1 1-48 


127 18 4 


11-69 


492 8 2 9-35 


104 12 7 


. 3-67 


11 11 7 


1-34 


3 10 3 


0-32 


14 19 9 j 1-01 


44 7 1-56 


13 3 8 


1-53 


16 16 5 


1-54 


34 12 1 


2-34 


85 10 9 ! 3-00 


17 14 


2-05 


23 2 2 


2-11 


75 12 10 


512 


167 14 8 i 5-88 


33 3 3 


3-84 


133 7 4 


1 0-19 


78 18 9 


5-35 


279 6 5 9-79 


83 17 


9-70 


106 12 9 


9-75 


141 15 4 9-60 


1025 7 12 11-95 


251 13 4 


2 513 


406 3 3 


3 1-12 


1115 17 1 ; 6 3-57 


160 10 5 1 5-63 


99 4 8 


11-49 


61 19 4 


5-66 


83 12 • 4 5-66 


28 i 0-93 


15 5 1 


1-76 


16 11 1 


1-51 


14 10 9 0-98 


7 14 5 : 0-27 


2 6 9 


0-27 


2 19 3 


0-27 


3 18 2 i 0-27 


20 2 0-70 


3 6 


0-38 


3 18 


0-36 


19 5 ; 1-30 


2 


.... 


6 




7 




9 


21 15 10 


0-77 


6 13 6 


0-77 


8 8 5 


0-77 


11 1 2 0-75 


855 2 9 


2 5-98 


254 7 7 


2 5-45 


324 6 11 


2 5-65 


432 19 2 5-32 


1024 14 8 


2 11-93 


1 169 5 9 


1 7-60 


168 13 7 


1 3-42 


744 18 4 4 2-44 


135 6 3 4-74 


22 11 5 


2-61 


28 17 


2-64 


92 14 ; 6-28 


295 5 


10-35 


1 127 11 3 


1 2-77 


144 13 


I 1-22 


187 9 1 0-67 


315 17 7 


11-08 


78 11 9 


910 


126 1 9 


11-53 


233 6 8 1 3-80 


1227 6 11 3 7-03 


397 18 2 


3 10-06 


487 7 


3 8-54 


913 16 6 5 1-89 


443 5 i 1 3-53 


9 8 4 


1-09 


11 18 6 


1-09 


298 8 8 : 1 8-21 


4384 11 9 12 9-74 


1859 12 2 


17 11-26 


2098 14 6 


15 11-82 


2205 8 4 ; 12 5-36 


38890 3 5 1113 7-60 


9975 2 8 


96 2-70 


10887 9 2 


82 11-09 


23360 11 {131 10-05 



279 



DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PEE CENT. ON 











LonsriDOi^. 








TOTALS. 


GROCERY. 


COAL. 


SALES'- 


£6,999,807. 


£5,750,722. 


£247,452. 


Expenses= 


Amount. 


Rate per 
JEIOO. 


Amount. 


Rate per 

£\m. 


Amount. 


Rate per 

£im. 


Wages 


£ s. d. 
76242 8 


s. 
21 


d. 
9-41 


£ s. d. 
36340 12 7 


s. 
12 


d. 
7-66 


£ 8. d. 
1389 8 10 


s. d. 
11 2-76 




242 15 11 

7 12 5 

2329 6 10 

1977 6 4 








0-83 
0-03 
7-99 
6-78 


166 18 8 

6 5 3 

1392 19 11 

545 12 8 








0-70 
0-03 
5-81 
2-28 


4 6 6 

5 5 

25 18 11 


0-42 




003 




2-52 


Price Lists : Printing .... 




„ „ Postage 


191 13 





0-66 


191 13 





0-80 







Printing and Stationery. . 


4040 14 5 


1 


1-85 


2373 19 5 





9-91 


48 8 11 


4-7(> 


Periodicals 


97 14 10 
12246 12 3 



3 


0-34 
5-99 


77 1 10 
4122 15 10 




1 


0-32 
5-21 


12 
425 12 7 


Oil 


Travelling 


3 5*28 


Stamps 


2346 2 7 





8-04 


1800 5 3 





7-51 


46 13 2 


4-53 


Telegrams 


65 11 11 





0-23 


54 16 11 





0-23 


.... 




Telephones ... . . 


791 1 11 

529 4 3 

1525 2 2 







2-71 
1-82 
5-23 


479 1 5 

402 14 1 

1153 12 1 







2-00 
1-68 

4-82 


26 15 11 

14 

.35 14 2 


2-60 


Miscellaneous 


0-07 


Adverts, and Showcards.. 


3-46 


"Wheatsheaf" Record .. 


2858 3 11 





9-80 


2348 3 1 





9-80 


101 2 5 


9-81 


Rents, Rates, and Taxes.. 

Power, Water, Lighting, 

and Heating 


4287 19 1 
1946 7 6 


1 



2-70 
6-67 


1359 3 10 
1090 9 8 






5-67 
4-55 


21 16 10 
8 3 8 


2-12 
0-80 


Exhibition and Congress.. 


292 19 1 





1-00 


191 15 3 





0-80 






Quarterly Meetings 


353 13 6 





1-21 


299 14 3 





1-25 


10 13 2 


1-03 


Employes' Picnic 


100 4 





0-34 


56 16 6 





0-24 


18 


0-0^ 


Legal 


92 3 
222 15 7 
5069 10 10 
4888 6 8 
435 7 3 
1716 4 





1 
1 





0-32 
0-76 
5-38 
4-76 
1-49 
5-88 


76 17 8 

183 1 6 

3254 3 2 

2391 14 1 

260 7 8 

1003 7 





1 






0-82 
0-75 
1-58 
9-98 
1-09 
4-19 


6 
7 16 11 
72 10 8 
574 17 4 
5 6 2 
3 6 9 




" Annual," 1913 


0-76 




7-oa 


Repairs, Renewals, &c. . . 
National Health, &c., 


4 7-75 
0-51 


Insurance 


0-32 


Depreciation : Land 


955 5 2 





3-28 


333 4 6 





1-39 


7 2 3 


0-69 


„ Buildings 


6092 19 5 


1 


8-89 


3036 3 7 


1 


0-67 


19 13 4 


i-91 


„ Fixtures, &c.. 


2052 15 11 





7-04 


1198 1 9 





5-00 


30 11 


2-96 


Interest 


23662 9 


6 


9-13 


13604 19 5 


4 


8-78 


263 9 11 


2 1-55 






Totals 


157660 4 4 


45 


0-56 


79796 5 5 


27 


902 


3132 9 4 


25 3-81 



280 



SALES FOR THE YEAR ENDED DEC. 27th, 191S^continued. 







Xj G 1ST ID (D HT . 








DRAPERY. 


WOOLLENS AND 
READY-MADES. 


BOOTS AND SHOES. 


FURNISHING. 


£455,942. 


«lft6.849. 


£229,297. 


£189,545. 


Amonn. \^^^ 


Amoant 


Rate per 
£100. 


Amoont. 


Rate per 


Amonnt. 


Rate per 
£100. 


£ s. d. 8. d. 
18144 15 4 79 Til 


£ 8. d. 
5480 8 7 


s. d. 
86 4-90 


£ s. A 
6712 5 7 


8. d. 
58 6-56 


£ s. d. 
8174 17 1 


8. d. 
86 Sr09 


32 10 3 ' 1-71 


10 16 8 


2-05 


15 3 5 


1-59 


13 5 


1-65 


9 11 ' (MB 


2 9 


QrOS 


4 11 


008 


4 2 


0-03 


359 15 7 1 6-94 


134 18 4 


2 1-53 


239 17 


2 110 


175 17 1 


110-27 


543 7 3 


2 4-60 


817 2 10 i 12 10-60 


22 3 3 


2-32 


49 4 


6-21 


707 11 U 


8 1-25 


287 3 1 4 6-83 


307 2 6 


.... 
2 8-15 


316 8 8 


3 4-07 


6 15 8 


0-36 


8 14 8 


0-71 


5 5 3 


0-55 


3 15 10 


0-48 


3819 14 j 16 9H)6 


1484 15 8 


23 4-92 


1160 15 5 


10 1-50 


1232 18 9 


13 0-12 


226 3 2 1 11-91 


78 14 10 i 1 2-52 


105 12 1 


11-05 


90 14 1 


11-47 


4 17 8 i 0-26 


1 10 2 0-29 


2 3 4 


0-23 


2 3 10 


0-28 


132 19 5 1 700 


43 18 3 8-31 


29 1 4 


arOi 


79 5 7 


1004 


56 19 2 


8-00 


14 8 7 2-73 


26 14 2 


2-79 


27 14 3 


3-51 


120 2 8 


6-32 


29 3 7 5-52 


152 10 


1 3-96 


33 19 8 


4-30 


186 7 10 ; 9-81 


51 14 10 9-79 


93 2 2 


9-75 


77 13 7 


9-84 


1359 1 3 j 5 11-54 


311 9 9 14 10-93 


518 12 3 


4 6-28 


717 15 2 


7 6-88 


342 13 10 1 1 6-04 


113 16 1 9-53 


198 14 8 


1 8-80 


192 9 8 


2 0-37 


52 3 2 2-75 


19 18 3 0. 3-77 


20 4 11 


2-12 


8 17 6 


111 


17 1 1 0-90 


5 16 10 i 1-11 


11 13 11 


1-22 


8 14 3 


1-10 


21 14 6 1-14 


5 1 9 N 0-96 


5 13 4 


0-59 


9 19 11 


1-27 


6 18 11 0-37 


1 17 2 0-35 


3 5 9 


0-34 


3 3 


0-38 


14 8 8 ! 0-75 


4 2 , 0-77 


7 5 3 


076 


6 13 


OrTJ 


815 9 I 3 6-92 


243 3 10 3 10i)l 


403 7 


8 6-22 


280 17 2 


2 11-56 


805 7 7 i 3 6-39 


436 13 2 6 10-62 


264 8 1 


2 3-67 


415 6 5 


4 4-59 


80 12 5 4-24 


19 10 4 i 3-69 


27 6 8 


2-86 


42 4 


5-34 


292 5 3 1 8-38 


138 1 8 ' 2 213 


149 2 4 


1 8-61 


130 3 9 


1 4-49 


•290 1 9 1 3-27 


105 14 11 1 8-01 


77 18 7 


8-16 


141 3 2 


1 5-87 


1-272 13 5 i 5 6-99 


456 3 4 


7 2-31 


553 18 10 


4 9-98 


754 6 11 


7 11-52 


338 5 11 1 1 5-81 


117 5 4 


1 10-18 


155 6 7 


1 4-26 


213 5 4 


2 3-00 


4552 10 7 19 11-64 


1583 15 10 


25 0-60 


22S9 18 5 


19 11-68 


1362 14 10 


14 4-55 


34603 16 9 |l51 9-49 


12004 2 11 


189 3-20 


13558 17 


118 8-17 


14564 12 11 Il53 8-16 



281 



The Scottish 

Co-operative Wholesale 

Society Limited. 



PLATES, ADVERTISEMENTS, 
STATISTICS, &<., 

Pages 283 to 397. 



THE SCOTTISH 
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 



LIMITED, 



En/rolled 20th April, 1868, under the provisions of the Bidustrial atid Provident 
Societies Act, 20th August, 1867, SO and 81 Vict., cap. 117, sec. 4. 



Business Commenced) September 8tb, \S6S. 



CENTRAL OFFICES AND FURNITURE WAREHOUSE : 

MOEEISON STREET, GLASGOW. 



GROCERY AND PROVISION WAREHOUSES: 

PAISLEY EOAD, CEOOKSTON AND CLAEENCE STEEETS, 

GLASGOW. 



DRAPERY WAREHOUSE: 

DUNDAS, WALLACE, AND PATEESON STEEETS, GLASGOW. 



BOOT AND SHOE WAREHOUSE: 

DUNDAS STEEET, GLASGOW. 



SHIRT, BESPOKE CLOTHING, JUVENILE CLOTHING, AND 
AERATED WATER FACTORIES: 

PATEESON STEEET, GLASGOW. 



MANTLE AND UMBRELLA FACTORIES 

DUNDAS STEEET, GLASGOW. 



HAM-CURING, SAUSAGE FACTORY, WATERPROOF FACTORY 
CARTWRIGHT, AND SCALE REPAIR DEPARTMENTS: 

PAEK STEEET, K.P., GLASGOW. 



FACTORIES FOR BOOTS AND SHOES, CLOTHING, FURNITURE AND 
BRUSHES, PRINTING, PRESERVES, CONFECTIONS, CHEMICALS, 
COFFEE ESSENCE, TOBACCO, PICKLES, AND TINWARE: 

SHIELDHALL, near GOVAN, GLASGOW. 

284 



Branches, 



LINKS PLACE, LEITH. 

GRANGE PLACE, KILMARNOCK. 

SEAGATE, DUNDEE. 

HENRY STREET, ENNISKILLEN, IRELAND. 



FURNITURE WAREHOUSE, DRAPERY & BOOT SAMPLE 

ROOM— CHAMBERS STREET, EDINBURGH. 

CHANCELOT FLOUR MILLS— EDINBURGH. 

JUNCTION FLOUR AND OATMEAL MILLS— LEITH. 

REGENT FLOUR MILLS— GLASGOW. 

SOAP WORKS— GRANGEMOUTH. 

ETTRICK TWEED MILLS— SELKIRK. 

HOSIERY FACTORY— LEITH. 

DRESS SHIRT FACTORY AND LAUNDRY— PAISLEY. 

FISH-CURING WORKS— ABERDEEN. 

BLANKET MILLS— GALSTON. 



Creameries : 

IRELAND— ENNISKILLEN, BELNALECK, GOLA, 
FLORENCE COURT, S. BRIDGE, GARDNER'S CROSS, 

BLACKLION, GLENFARNE, MONEAH; 
BLADNOCH and WHITHORN, WIGTOWNSHIRE, N.B. 



CALDERWOOD ESTATE and RYELANDS MILK CENTRE, 
LANARKSHIRE. 



Bankers : 

THE UNION BANK OF SCOTLAND LIMITED. 
Head Offices : 



GLASGOW : LONDON : EDINBURGH : 

Ingkam Street, 62, Cornhill, E.G. George Street. 

General Manager : Manager : Manager : 

ARTHUR C. D. GAIRDNER. GEORGE J. SCOTT. WILLIAM GRAHAM. 

285 



General Committee. 



President : 

Mr. ROBERT STEWART, " Endrick," Percy Drive, Giffnock. 

Secretary: 
Mr. JOHN PEARSON, "Beechdale," Fenton Street, Alloa. 

Directors: 

Mr. PETER GLASSE 185, Byres Road, Glasgow. 

Mr. THOMAS LITTLE 264, Scott Street, Galashiels. 

Mr. WILLIAM R. ALLAN " Inchbank," Balhousie Street, Perth. 

Mr. JAMES YOUNG 34, New Street, Musselburgh. 

Mr. GEORGE THOMSON " Newfield," Stevenson Street, Kilmarnock. 

Mr. ALEX. B. WEIR " Drhoma," Paisley Road, Barrhead. 

Mr. C. W. MACPHERSON 80, Montpelier Park, Edinburgh. 

Mr. T. B. STIRLING Yew Cottage, Middleton Street, Alexandria. 

Mr. WM. GALLAGHER «' Loretto," Montgomery Street, Larkhall. 

Mr. JOHN BARDNER 22, Netherton, Dunfermline. 



Sub'Committees : 

(1) Finance and Property — 

Messrs. GLASSE, ALLAN, GALLAGHER, and THOMSON. 
Gonveners: Mr, Gallagher (Finance). Mr. Glasse (Property). 

(2) Grocery : Distributive and Productive — 

Messrs. STEWART, LITTLE, BARDNER, and YOUNG. 

Conveners: Mr. Bardner (Distributive). Mr. Stewart (Productive). 

(3) Drapery and Furnishing : Distributive and Productive — 

Messrs. STIRLING, PEARSON, MACPHERSON, and WEIR. 
Gonveners : Mr. Macpheeson (Distributive). Mr. Stirling (Productive). 



The President is ex officio a member of all Sub-Committees. 



Auditors: 

Mr. JNO. MILLEN, Rutherglen. | Mr. ROBT. J SMITH, C.A., Glasgow. 

Mr. WM. H. JACK, F.S.A.A., Glasgow. 

(Public Auditors under the Industrial and Provident Societies and 
Friendly Societies Acts.) 

286 



Officers of the Society, 



Accountant : 
Mr. ROBERT MACINTOSH, Glasgow. 

Cashier : 
Mr. ALLAN GRAY, Glasgow. 

Buyers, ^c. : 
Grocery and Provisions Glasgow Mr. E. ROSS. 

„ Mr. JOHN McDonald. 

„ Mr. M. McCALLlBL 

„ Mr. A. S. HUGGAN. 

Leith Mr. PETER ROBERTSON. 

], „ „ •. Mr. WILLIAM Mc.LAREN. 

„ Mr. A. W. JOHNSTONE. 

Kilmarnock ..Mr. DAVID CALDWELL. 

Dundee Mr. JAMES WILKIE. 

Potato Department Glasgow Mr. HUGH CAMPBELL. 

Leith Mr. WM. DRUMMOND. 

Cattle Glasgow Mr. WILLIAM DLTTCAN. 

Provisions Enniskillen . .Mr. WILLIAM WHYTE. 

Preserve Works Glasgow . . Mr. N. ANDERSON. 

Chemical Department „ Mr. A. GEBBIE. 

Tobacco Factory „ Mr. THOMAS HARKNESS. 

Flour Mills— Chancelot and/ „ Mr. WM. F. STEWART. 

Regent Oatmeal and Flour \ „ Mr. JAIVIES TIERNE Y. 

Mill— Junction ( Edinburgh . .Mr. JOHN PAISLEY'. 

Soap Works Grangemouth .Mr. J. A. PENNY. 

Printing & Stationery Dept Glasgow Mr. DAVID CAMPBELL. 

Drapery Department „ V Mr. DAVID GARDINER. 

„ • Assistant.. „ Mr. J. Mc.GILCHRIST. 

„ .. „ Mr. WM. ALLAN. 

„ .^ ^ _, , f „ Mr. WILLIAM ^HLLER. 

Furniture Department | ^^^.^^^^^ ^^^ THOMAS FEN WICK. 

„ „ Edinburgh ..Mr. GEO. CARSON. 

Tinware Glasgow Mr. J. H. TURNBULL. 

,„■ ^ ( „ Mr. P. Mc.PARLANE. 

Boot and Shoe Department . . | Assistant Mr. J. J. HORN. 

Ettrick Tweed & Blanket Mills. .Selkirk Mr. J. H. OLDFIELD. 

Building Department Glasgow Mr. WILLIAM MERCER. 

EngineeriQg & Electrical Depts . . „ Mr. JAMES STEWART. 

Carting Department „ Mr. JAJMES CALDWELL. 

Coal Department „ Mr. T. BURTON. 

Fish Curing Department Aberdeen Mr. W. C. STEPHEN. 

Wheat Buying Depot Winnipeg > Mr. GEO. FISHER. 

(Canada)' 

Creameries Wigtownshire . .Mr. ROBERT GREEN. 

Estate . Lanarkshire . . Mr. G. G. Y'OUNG. 

287 



Business Arrangements. 



Registered Office : 
MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW. 

Branches : 

LINKS PLACE, LEITH ; GRANGE PLACE, KILMARNOCK 

SEAGATE, DUNDEE ; 

HENRY STREET, ENNISKILLEN, IRELAND; 

LEMAN STREET, LONDON. E. 



Societies, to which our trade is strictly confined, desirous of opening a» 
account with this Society, should forward a copy of their registered Rules 
and latest balance sheet ; or, if but recently started, a statement showing the 
number of members, value of shares, amount subscribed for and paid up, 
weekly turnover expected, and the amount of credit allowed, if any, per 
member in proportion to the capital paid up. Should these particulars be 
considered satisfactory, goods will be supplied on the following terms : — The 
maximum credit allowed is fourteen days, and interest is charged quarterlif 
on all in excess of this allowance at the rate of 21^ per cent, per annum, but in 
cases where the debt exceeds one month'' s purchases 5 per cent, is charged. 



Interest at the rate of 2^ per cent, per annum is allowed on prepaid 
accounts. 



The Directors, by authority of the general meeting, are empowered to have 
the books of societies examined whose accounts are overdue, and to take the 
necessary steps to protect the other members of the federation. 



Orders for goods should bear the price or brand of the article wanted, the 
mode of transit, and name of station to which the goods are to be sent. Orders 
for the different departments should be on separate slips. Goods not approved 
of must be returned at once and intact. No claim for breakage, short weighty 
&c., can be entertained unless made within six days after goods are received. 
Delay in delivery should be at once advised, 

288 



Business Premises 

OWNED BY 

THE SCOTTISH 

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE 

SOCIETY LIMITED. 

"With Diagrams showing Progress of Society 
since Commencement. 



w 289 



Scottish Co-operative Ulbolesale Societv 
Limited. 




First Central Premises owned by the Society. 

^THE Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society 
lyimited was registered in April 1868, and 
commenced business during September of the 
same year in rented premises in Madeira Court, 
Argyle Street, Glasgow. During 1872 ground was 
purchased at the junction of Morrison Street and 
Paisley Road, and to the Warehouse erected there, 
and shown on this page, the Society's business 
was transferred in 1874. The whole of this 
gusset-shaped piece of ground was acquired by 
1882, and the Warehouses and Offices erected 
thereon formed the Central Premises of the 
Society, 119 Paisley Road, Glasgow, until the 
Morrison Street Premises were occupied in 1897. 



290 




o 

(A 

a 
O 



o S 




o 



ho 



Registered Office and Furniture Warehouse: 
95 Morrison Street^ Glasgow. 

T^HE block of buildings shown on the opposite 
page forms, since 1897, the Central Premises 
of the Scottish Wholesale. With its splendid 
facade fronting Morrison Street, and occupying a 
commanding situation close by the river Clyde, 
this structure forms one of the most imposing 
features of street architecture in the southern 
part of Glasgow. 

Here the Central Office, with its staff of over 
two hundred and sixty clerks, is located. This 
occupies the whole of the first floor, the ground 
floor giving accommodation for the Board Room, 
Committee Rooms, Grocery Managers' Rooms, 
and also the Grocery Department Saleroom. 
The basement and all the other floors in the 
front building are fully occupied by the 
Furniture and Furnishing Department Show- 
rooms. Fronting Clarence Street — on the left 
side of the drawing, and to the rear of the main 
building — is a block extending through to 
Crookston Street, on the right. The great bulk 
of this space is devoted to warehouse accom- 
modation for the Grocery Department, and here, 
also, the spacious Clarence Street Hall belonging 
to the Society is located. 



293 



Grocery and Provision Warehouse^ Stationery 
Departmentt etc* : 

Links Place, Leith. 

NT INK years after the start of the Wholesale 
in Glasgow, the I^eith Branch was opened 
(in April 1877), primarily to faciUtate the handling 
of Continental produce, but it was soon found 
advisable to add a full stock of groceries. This 
Branch has proved of great service and utility 
in dealing with retail societies in the East of 
Scotland. 

Business developments soon forced it out of 
the original rented premises in Constitution Place 
lycith, and, ground having been secured at Links 
Place in May 1879, the first portion of the 
buildings here shown was erected by the Society. 
At various dates extensive alterations and 
additions have been made to the structure. In 
addition to the Grocery Warehouse, a Stationery 
Department, Aerated Water Factory (started 1898), 
and a Ham-curing Department form valuable 
adjuncts of this Branch of the Wholesale. 



294 



^s^ 





.^im iLJi:- lEx. 0_^ 



' ^v 



^-~- 




i^ 



bo 
C 

>-. 00 

O 00 

(O C 

§ I 



^ ^ 
^ W 



o 

C 



O 



Grocery and Provision Warehouse: 
Grange Place, Kilmarnock. 

1 ESS than a twelvemonth after the inauguration 
of the Branch at Leith, it was decided to 
open a Depot in Kilmarnock to deal with agri- 
cultural produce of all kinds in Ayrshire and 
surrounding coimties. In February 1878 this 
Branch was opened, and its career, Uke that of 
most other ventures of the Wholesale, has been 
uniformly prosperous. 

Intended originally as a store from whence 
cheese, butter, eggs, etc., could be distributed to 
retail societies to the orders of the various 
Branches, this Depot also does a very extensive 
trade in potatoes. These are planted imder the 
supervision of the Department, or purchased in 
the fields at agreed-on rates per acre, for the 
direct supply of retail shops. A very large 
business in cheese is also done. 



297 



Grocery and Provision Warehouse: 
Seagate^ Dundee, 

pOUR years elapsed from the foundation of the 
Kilmarnock Depot before another Branch 
of the Wholesale was started. This time the 
impelling idea was to provide societies in the 
North of Scotland with a convenient centre from 
which to obtain supplies. Dundee was fixed on 
as the most suitable place, and there, in premises 
at the corner of Trades Lane, a Branch was 
opened in 1881. 

Until igo6 business was successfully conducted 
in the building originally occupied, but in that 
year a disastrous fire swept it entirely away, and 
caused the Directors to find a site elsewhere. 
Ground was soon afterwards purchased in Seagate, 
Dundee, and the Warehouse shown opposite 
erected and opened for business in July 1909. 



298 




n} 
bo 

<o 



O 




"I 



. Central Premises, Enniskillen Branchy 
Ireland. 

"T^HE growing quantities of Irish Tproduce 
handled by the Wholesale led the Directors 
at an early date to consider the advisability jof 
-estabUshing a Bu\4ng Branch or Depot in 
Ireland for collecting the produce of the north- 
western districts. After careful investigation, 
Enniskillen, directly communicating with London- 
derry and Belfast by rail and thence with Glasgow 
by an admirable service of steamers, was fixed on 
as the most suitable centre. In premises rented 
by the Society in that town a Branch was started 
during May 1885, and its progress since has 
justified the choice of location. 

In addition to a thoroughly up-to-date Central 
Creamery established in 1908, there are now 
•eight Auxiliary Creameries belonging to the Society 
within a range of tei;i miles of Enniskillen. The 
names of these are Moneah, Gardner's Cross, Gola, 
-S Bridge, Belnaleck, Blacklion, Glenfarne, and 
Plorencecourt. 



301 



Drapery Warehouse^ Wallace Street^ 
Glasgow. 

'^HB Drapery Department was started on 28th 
December 1873, in a corner of the rented 
premises first occupied by the Society in Madeira 
Court, Argyle Street, Glasgow. The Warehouse 
now occupied in Wallace vStreet, Dundas Street, 
and Paterson Street, and shown on the opposite 
page, gives a fair idea of its growth and develop- 
ment during the intervening years. 

The Warehouse at the present time is divided 
into forty departments dealing with every known 
variety of drapery goods. Heating, ventilating, 
and sanitary arrangements are of the most 
approved description, and from a hygienic stand- 
point the Warehouse meets all that science at 
present demands. This, with the admirable 
planning of departments and the up-to-date 
equipment, justifies its claim to premier position 
among such establishments. 

There are also attached to the Warehouse^ 
Mantle, Millinery, and Umbrella Workrooms, 
while the alHed Productive Departments include 
the Wool Shirt Factory, Waterproof Factory, 
Juvenile Clothing Factory, Underclothing Factory, 
and Bespoke Clothing Factory, Glasgow ; the 
Ready-made Clothing Factory, Artisan Clothing 
Factory, and Hosiery Factory, Shieldhall ; Ettrick 
Tweed and Blanket Mills, Selkirk ; Ayrshire 
Blanket Mill, Galston ; the Dress Shirt Factory 
and Potterhill lyaundry. Paisley ; and Hosiery 
Factory, Leith. 



302 




CD 



(f) 



2 So 



</) 




I 

(A 
O 



(/) 



Drapery Warehouse^ Wallace Street, 
Glasgow. 

(ANOTHER VIEW.) 

*T^HE demand for increased space to meet the 
steady growth of trade in Drapery goods 
made it necessary- to enlarge the Warehouse, 
and the extension in Paterson Street, which was 
opened in June 1909, is shown on the extreme 
right of the picture. 

In the short period of three years it became 
apparent that more accommodation must be 
found, and a further addition, also in Paterson 
Street, affording 20,832 square feet of extra 
floorage, was opened in July of this 3^ear (1914). 
A motor-car is seen near the main entrance in 
Wallace Street. 



305 



Productive Factories^ Paterson Street, 
Glasgow* 

T^HESB buildings are given over solely to 
production, and occupy the greater portion 
of the west side of Paterson vStreet, between 
Gloucester Street and Scotland Street. Here 
accommodation is found for the manufacture of 
aerated waters ; shirts ; underclothing ; juvenile 
clothing ; and bespoke clothing. Originally two- 
storied only, in 1908 another fiat was added ^ 
which has considerably increased the usefulness 
of the buildings. A large extension, for Drapery 
Production, is nearing completion. 



306 




o 

O 




o 



(f) 



New Stationery Warehouse^ 
Morrison Street^ Glasgow^ 

IN the year 1882 the vStationery Department was 
commenced in a small portion of the " gusset " 
buildings, Morrison Street. As business increased 
the Department was removed from time to 
time, until, in the year 1910, the Directors 
sought and obtained power to proceed with the 
building depicted opposite. Situated near the 
principal building in Morrison Street, the erection 
was completed in September 191 1, and at once 
proved of great service, being temporarily utilised 
for the housing of the Furniture Departments 
burnt out in the fire at Morrison Street, 3rd 
September 191 1. Since January of 1913 the 
Stationery Department has occupied the building, 
which is equipped in every way to suit the trade. 
A magnificent showroom runs the full length of 
the first flat, the basement, main, and other floors 
being utilised for stock and despatch purposes. 



309 



Furniture and Furnishing Showrooms: 
Chambers Street, Edinburgh. 

^pO meet the requirements of societies in the 
East of Scotland, a branch of the Furniture 
and Furnishing Department was opened in 
premises secured during 1898 in Chambers Street, 
Edinburgh. In these is stocked a full range of 
goods similar to that in the Central Furnishing 
Warehouse, Glasgow. The business rapidly 
extended, and this led to the purchase of the 
adjoining property of Minto House — the most 
distant part of the structure. Transformed to 
suit the requirements of the trade, the whole 
building now forms a connected and spacious 
Warehouse. 



310 




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S.C.W.S. Productive Works, 
Shieldhall, Govan. 

'"THE Shieldhall Works of the S.C.W.S. afford 
a vivid and impressive illustration of the 
growth of Productive Co-operation and the 
inherent force of the Co-operative Movement in 
Scotland. 

Situated on the south side of the road, between 
Glasgow and Renfrew, and about three miles 
from the Society's Central Offices, it is claimed 
for the remarkable hive of industr^^ now estab- 
lished there that nowhere else in this country-, 
or any other, are so many different industrial 
operations carried on within one common gate- 
way. The justice of this claim is apparent when 
it is recollected that the production of the various 
commodities is so highly specialised as to call 
for the services of nearh^ one htmdred trades or 
occupations. There are now sixteen Factories 
in operation, employing over 4,000 persons, whose 
yearly wages bill exceeds /i 9 1,000, and who 
produce goods to the value of over £1,045,000 
per annum. 

In the planning of the Works, sanitation, 
ventilation, and good health conditions have 
alwaj'S been insisted on ; and these, combined 
with the best labour conditions in the trades 
represented, place the Shieldhall Works in a 
position second to none in Scotland. 



313 



New Frontage and Printing Department, 
Shieldhall. 

nPHB illustration on the opposite page shows 
the building which eventually will form 
the street front for vShieldhall. The gateway 
and side structures, with a large portion of the 
west wing, are already completed ; the latter, 
with the whole of the shaded portion to the right 
of the picture, being occupied by the Printing 
Department. 

This important branch of the Wholesale's 
industrial enterprises was established in 1887, 
and transferred to Shieldhall two years later. 
The Department has extended rapidly, and to 
the original letterpress printing, bookbinding 
and paper- ruling, paper-bagmaking, lithographing, 
designing, stereo and electro tj^ping, machine type- 
setting, and paper-boxmaking have been added 
in the order given. All of these can be seen in 
the complex establishment of to-day. The 
forty-eight hour week has been in force since 
1901, and at the present time (October 1914) 
there are over 500 persons employed. 



314 




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Boot Factory, ShieldhalL 

T^HE Boot Factory is the largest of all the 
Shieldhall Departments and the first to be 
«estabHshed there. Started originally in part of 
what is now the Drapery Warehouse, Glasgow, 
it has expanded with very great rapidity, and at 
the present date (19 14) the average weekly 
output is well over 15,000 pairs of all classes of 
footwear. For the year 1913, 788,146 pairs were 
manufactured. 

Kver>^ kind of boots and shoes for men and 
women, boys and girls, is now made, the quality 
ranging from strong, heavy boots for pit or 
workshop to the most elegant of footw^ear. 
The supply of leather is drawn from all parts 
of the world, that for pit boots coming from 
India, box calf from the Continent generally, 
black and tan glace kid chiefly from America. 
For the last-named class of work alone some 
82,000 goatskins are required annually. Altogether 
nearly 200,000 hides are used up in the course of 
a twelvemonth, apart from over 300 tons of sole 
leather. 

An auxiliary Factory, where special attention 
is given to the manufacture of boys' and girls' 
footwear and slippers, is situated in Adelphi 
Street, Glasgow. Equipped with every modem 
labour-saving appUance and machine, the Shield- 
hall Boot Factor\^ is the finest and largest in 
Scotland. At October 1914, 1,400 persons were 
employed in the two factories. 



317 



Cabinet Factory^ ShieldhalL 

AN Upholster}^ Department, inaugurated by the 
Wholesale in 1882, and conducted for a 
time under the aegis of the Drapery Department, 
was the beginning of the furniture trade now 
done. In 1884 a Cabinet-making Workshop was 
opened in Houston vStreet, Glasgow : and here,, 
with a complement of six persons, the making: 
of furniture was begun. 

In March 1888 the scene of operations was- 
removed to Shieldhall, to the first part of the 
existing Factory, which, by addition after addition 
to meet the growing demands of the trade, has 
reached the dimensions of the building shown 
in the illustration. It ranks among the largest 
of its kind in Scotland, and structural alterations 
now being effected will place it in the forefront 
of such establishments. It has a floor space of 
over two acres, a complete electric installation 
for power and light, the May-Oatway fire-alarm 
system throughout, and is replete with the latest 
appliances for facilitating production. 

The furniture turned out from this Factory, 
which includes every article required for house, 
office, or boardroom, has earned a name for 
soundness of construction and beauty of design, 
and received the well-merited distinction of a 
Diploma of Honour for work exhibited at Glasgow 
International Exhibition during 1901. In the 
Scottish Historical Exhibition, held in Glasgow 
during 191 1, the magnificent group of cases and 
furniture shown by the S.C.W.S. was entirely 
produced by the Cabinet Factory, Shieldhall. 



318 







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Dining-Rooms and Ready-made Clothing 
Factory, ShieldhalL 

i 

'T^HE higher part of the buildings shown here 
is occupied by the Dining and Recreation 
Rooms. On the ground floor are two large 
Halls, supplied with newspapers, periodicals, and 
■other means of recreation. On the other floors 
Directors' and Managers' Dining Rooms and 
Halls for the use of over 4,000 workers 
employed at Shieldhall are situated. Meals can 
be obtained there at rates just sufficient to cover 
cost of food and expenses of service, and these 
faciHties are largely taken advantage of. 

The Ready-made Clothing Factory occupies the 
long range of building to the rear of the Dining 
Halls, and is the present-day representative of 
the first Clothing Factory of the Wholesale. 
This was started in 188 1 in Dundas Street, 
Clasgow ; was removed to Wallace Street, 
Clasgow, soon after ; and from thence to Shield- 
liall. All kinds of ready-made clothing for men, 
youths, and boys are made up here, immense 
quantities being turned out in the course of a 
year. Every appliance for facilitating work has 
been installed, and this Factory to-day will hold 
its own for arrangement and equipment with the 
best in the countrv. 



321 



Chancelot Roller Flour Mills, 
Edinburgh. 

r\IFFBRING from all other ventures of the 
Wholesale in the magnitude of the original 
undertaking, Chancelot Roller Flour Mills repre- 
sent the boldest step yet taken by the Society 
in Co-operative Production. The nature of the 
work to be undertaken precluded the possibility 
of starting in a small way ; and it was only 
after mature deliberation that the Directors 
entered on the scheme, of which the building 
shown on the opposite page is the outcome. 
A feu of fully three acres having been secured in 
Bonnington Road, Edinburgh, it was decided to 
erect thereon a group of mills, the output of 
which would, at least, approximate to the 
demand likely to be made on them. 

The opening ceremony took place in August 
1894, and the opinion was freely expressed that 
these Mills were the finest of their kind in this 
or any other country. From the start the Mills 
have been entirely successful. They are now 
fully e'quipped with the most improved milling 
machinery, and have been kept running night 
and day to meet the great demands made on 
their productions. 



322 



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■-3 



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Junction Meal and Flour Mills, 
Leith. 

'T^HE product of Chancelot Mills met with 
such a favourable reception that it became 
necessary- to devise some plan for rapidly 
augmenting suppUes. The Directors therefore 
gave their attention to the problem, a solution 
for which was found by the purchase of 
Junction Meal and Flour ^lills, Leith, in August 
1897. These important Mills are in the immediate 
vicinit}^ of Chancelot Mills, and as an investment 
they have proved both satisfactory and profitable. 
Since acquiring these Mills, and to cope with 
the demand for Scotland's staple food, the 
Oatmeal Mill has been entirely remodelled and 
extended. About 1,200 sacks of flour are pro- 
duced per week, and the milling of pod barle^^ 
is also carried on. 



325 



Regent Roller Flour Mills^ 
Glasgow. 

'T^HB demand made on the products of the two 
Mills already mentioned justified the existence 
of another, and the question of building or acquir- 
ing one was immediately taken up. As a result, 
arrangements were made with Messrs John Ure 
-& Son, the proprietors, and in November 1903, 
Regent Mills, Glasgow, were purchased from that 
firm by the Society, and business began in the 
following year. 

Situated on the banks of the classic Kelvin, 
the story of these Mills runs back to medieval 
times. For three and a half centuries the old 
Regent Mills were in possession of the Bakers' 
Incorporation of Glasgow, but being burned down, 
in 1886 they passed into the hands of the Messrs 
Ure, by whom they were entirely rebuilt and 
enlarged to something like their present dimensions. 
Being in good order, production commenced 
immediately the transfer was completed. Various 
alterations and additions have since been made, 
and the Mills now rank among the best equipped 
in the country. 

The total productive capacity of the three Mills 
•owned by the Society exceeds 12,300 sacks per 
^week, or over 640,000 sacks per working year. 



326 




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Grain Elevators, Winnipeg, 
Canada. 

AS may be understood, the amount of grain 
necessary to keep three Mills with the 
working capacity of those just described in full 
operation is very large. This fact soon led the 
Directors to consider the question of arranging 
to purchase the raw material as near the first 
source as possible, and, as a resiilt, a buyer was 
appointed in 1906 and an office taken in Winnipeg, 
Canada, the capital of the vast wheat-growing 
regions of that Colony. 

From its inception the step has proved satis- 
factor>\ Thirteen large Elevators, each capable 
of storing 30,000 bushels of wheat, have been 
erected at a cost of over £1,000 each ; and other 
two are now (1914) in course of construction. 
From these the grain is forwarded as required 
to the Terminal Elevators at Port Arthur and 
Fort WilHam, and shipped from thence to this 
country via Montreal when the St lyawrence is 
open, or from ports on the Atlantic seaboard 
during the winter season 



329 



Ettrick Tweed and Blanket Mills, 
Selkirk. 

A FTER being carried on for some years by the 
Scotch Tweed Manufacturing Society, the 
shareholders unanimously agreed to the transfer 
of the business to the Wholesale Society. Details 
of the bargain having been settled and matters 
amicably arranged, these extensive Mills became 
the property of the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale 
Society in 1895. 

vSince then the Society has cleared the Mills 
of all old types of looms or machinery, and 
substituted in their place the most up-to-date 
appliances. The result has been evident in the 
reputation rapidly attained among Co-operative 
societies by the products of the Mills, Ettrick 
tweeds and blankets being held in high esteem 
throughout Co-operative Scotland. Quite recently, 
for the making of all classes of hosiery yarns, 
spinning machinery of the latest type was 
introduced, and a large proportion of the yarns 
used in the S.C.W.S. Hosiery Factory is procured 
from these Mills. 



330 




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Soap Works, Grangemouth. 

pARLY in 1896 the Directors decided to include 
the industr>^ of soapmaking within the scheme 
of the Society's operations, and, suitable ground 
having been secured, the buildings shown on the 
opposite page were erected, and work commenced 
at Grangemouth Soap Works in October 1897. 

The keen competition in this trade, the 
prejudice in favour of other soaps, and the 
difficulty of producing an article which would 
prove generally popular, seriously hampered the 
progress of this Department in its earUer years. 
Gradually, however, the productions rose in general 
esteem, until at the present time a very high 
percentage of retail societies' trade goes to 
Grangemouth. Apart from the ordinar}^ soaps 
and cleansing preparations for household use, 
high-class toilet soaps now form an important 
branch of the manufactures. Extensive alterations 
and additions have been made at various times, 
and the Soap Works, equipped with the latest 
machiner}^ and appliances, are in every respect 
thoroughly up to date. 



333 



Hosiery Factory^ Leith. 

(OLD DRESS SHIRT FACTORY.) 

T^HE building (shown opposite) was erected 

for the manufacture of dress shirts — on a 

portion of the ground acquired with Junction 

Mill — ^work being commenced in December 1901. 

In order to avoid smoky atmosphere, and 
obtain an abundant supply of water, the Laundry 
connected with the Factory was removed to 
Barrhead in 1904, and again, in 1909, to more 
suitable premises at Paisley. In the year 1912 it 
was decided to transfer the Factory also to that 
town, and the productions are now being manu- 
factured and finished under one roof at Potterhill, 
Paisley. 

The building has since been fitted for the 
manufacture of hose and half-hose, which 
formerly were made at the Hosiery Factory 
Shieldhall. 



334 



Creamery and Margarine Factory, 
Bladnoch, Wigtownshire. 

'T^O cope with the demand for supplies of fresh 
butter, and also with a \dew to the manu- 
facturing of margarine,the Creamery and Margarine 
Factory here shown was erected at Bladnoch, 
Wigtownshire, during 1899. At a later date an 
Auxiliary Creamery, situated at Whithorn in the 
same shire, was opened. Placed in the midst of 
a purely agricultural district, where the desirable 
adjuncts of clear atmosphere and absence of dust 
or smoke help the purity of the products, these 
Creameries have proved very successful. 

Complete electrical installations have been fitted 
up, and the machinery is of the latest type. 
Consignments of the productions are forwarded 
direct to societies daily, as ordered. Extensive 
Piggeries have also been estabHshed. 



337 



Fish-Curing Works, Aberdeen. 

'T^HB growing trade in fresh and cured fish led 
the Directors of the S.C.W.S. to consider the 
advisabiHty of undertaking this industry, and, in 
1899, Fish-Curing Works were started at Aberdeen, 
the largest fishing centre on the Hast Coast of 
Scotland. The original rented premises were soon 
found inadequate for the requirements of the 
Department, and, later, ground was leased from 
the Aberdeen Harbour Trust and the buildings 
shown on the opposite page erected. 

From this Depot boats are engaged at 
Scalloway, I^erwick, and other ports, and the 
catch of these goes direct to the Curing Works. 
In addition to this, large purchases of fish are 
made daily at the public market. These are 
immediately transferred to the Wholesale's 
premises, cleaned, sorted, packed, and sent off 
so expeditiously as to be on sale in retail societies' 
shops all over Scotland the following morning. 
A very successful trade is now done, over 2,600 
tons of fish being dealt with annually. 

The rendering of cod liver oil is now assuming 
considerable importance, and at the Works a 
thoroughly up-to-date plant for this purpose has 
been fitted up. The oil thus extracted is taken 
up by the Society's Chemical Department, and, 
after being treated there, is sent out to societies 
in the form of emulsion. 



338 




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Dress Shirt Factory and Laundry, 
Potterhill, Paisley. 

T^HIS industry was commenced in October 
1901, at Leith, in a building erected for 
the purpose, on a site acquired with Junction 
Mill. A pure atmosphere and abundant water 
supply being necessary for the finishing of white 
goods, the Laundry was removed to Barrhead 
in 1904. In 1909 more suitable premises, known 
as Stonefield Mills, Potterhill, Paisley, were 
purchased, and the lyaundry was removed there. 

Three years later (1912) the Factory was also 
brought from Leith, and now the goods — dress 
shirts, collars, and fronts — are manufactured and 
finished in the building shown opposite. 

While managed and financed by the S.C.W.S. 
Ltd., the Department is worked under an 
arrangement with the C.W.S. Ltd., Manchester, 
whereby profits or losses are allocated to each in 
proportion to purchases. It is understood that 
ever>^ possible support be given by the latter, 
and this has been loyally adhered to. 

The vacated building in Leith is now occupied 
as an additional Factorj^ for the manufacture of 
hose and half-hose. 



341 



Calderwood Castle and Estate^ 
Lanarkshire. 

ID Y virtue of powers entrusted to the Directors 
to acquire in Scotland (or in Ireland) such 
estates or lands as would be available for fruit- 
growing and general agriculture, the rich and 
beautiful estate of Calderwood, lying about eight 
miles east of Glasgow, passed in 1904 into 
possession of the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale 
Society. 

The Estate extends to 1,113 acres, and includes 
the village of Maxwellton. About half of it is 
let as farms, and of the remainder 350 acres have 
already been devoted by the Society to farming 
and the cultivation of fruit, vegetables, flowers, 
and plants. One and a half acres have been laid 
out for the rearing of tomatoes under glass ; 
and a rhubarb-house covering half an acre has 
been erected for growing the early or forced 
variety of that plant. 

Self-contained cottages have been erected by 
the Society near the village of Maxwellton, and 
the capability of the Estate generally is receiving 
the careful attention of the Directors. 



342 





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359 



[sf>e:ciivibn.] 

WEEKLY STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT. 

9th Week. Ledger Folio, 929. 

163rd Quarter. 95, Morrison Street, 

GLASGOW, May 29th, 1909. 

The A. B. C. Co-operative Society Limited. 

® i\ SPo Tie Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited. Cr. 





GOODS. 1 


CASH AND CREDITS. 


n-t* ' Amouutof 
"*'*• each Invoice. 


Balance last > 
Stotement. 


Diite. Cash. Credit. 

1 1 


Totals. 




£ s. d. ! £ s. d. ; 


j £ s. d. £ s. d. ' 


£ s. d. 




298 7 2 






May 21....! 


4 3 i 


May 24 . . i .... 050 


.... 


„ 24.... 


18 11 7 : 




» 24.. . 




10 






„ 24.... 


29 8 ; 




,, 25..! . 




12 9 






„ 24.... 


32 4 




„ 25. .1 . 




12 10 






„ 24.... 


17 7 




„ 26.. 




5 6 






„ 24.... 


4 10 




„ 26.. 






10 






„ 24.... 


4 4 




„ 26.. 






13 6 






„ 24.... 


3 2 6 




„ 26.. 






2 7 






„ 25.... 


6 6 




„ 26..: 




12 9 






„ 25.... 


8 3 




„ 26.. i 




12 9 






„ 25.... 


10 10 




„ 27.. 




14 9 






„ 25.... 


8 3 




„ 27.. 




10 






„ 25.... 


15 




„ 27.. 




15 6 






„ 25.... 


10 11 




„ 27.. 




10 11 1 






„ 25 


59 16 9 , 




„ 27.. 1 




15 6 






„ 25.... 


11 3 






„ 27.. 




1 12 






„ 25.... 
„ 26 


7 3 5 
2 10 6 








22 11 11 
298 7 2 






„ 28.. 298 7 2 


„ 2G.... 


4 17 6 








„ 26.... 


15 2 1 










„ 27... 


6 6 








j 




„ 27.... 


9 2 












„ 27.... 


17 10 












„ 27.... 


18 












„ 27.... 


3 10 6 












„ 27.... 


5 13 8 












„ 27.... 


12 11 1 








! 




„ 27.... 


4 18 7 




*.!!! 




1 




„ 28.... 


5 3 6 








' 




„ 28.... 


12 9 














„ 28.... 


1 10 














„ 28.... 


2 14 9 














„ 28.... 


18 6 














„ 28.... 


27 12 8 


















255 10 5 












To balance 






By balance 
£ 


232 18 6 




1 653 17 7 

I 








553 17 7 



If the above Statement dijfers from ymir Books, we shall be glad if you 
will point out the difference at once. 



BB 



361 



Terms of Membership. 



EXCEEPT FEOM SOCIETY'S EULES. 



Admission of Members and Application for Shares. 

The Society shall consist of such Co-operative Societies registered under 
the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, or any employ^ of this Society 
who is over twenty-one years of age, as have been admitted by the 
Committee, subject to the approval of a general meeting of the Society; but 
no society trafficking in intoxicating liquors shall be eligible for membership 
in the Society, and each admission must be entered in the minute book 
of the Society. Every application for membership, except in the case of 
employes, must be sanctioned by a resolution of a general meeting of any 
society making such application, and the same must be made in the form as 
on next page, said form to be duly attested by the signature of the president, 
secretary, and three of the members thereof, and stamped with such society's 
seal. Every society making application shall state the number of its members, 
and take up not less than one share for each member, and shall increase the 
number annually as its members increase, in accordance with its last return to 
the Registrar ; but no member other than a society registered under the 
Industrial and Provident Societies Act shall hold an interest ^ in the 
funds exceeding £50. It shall be in the option of any society to apply for 
shares in excess of their individual membership at any time ; such applications 
shall be signed by the president, secretary, and three members of committee, 
but the granting of such excess shares shall be at the discretion of the 
Committee of this Society. 

Any employe applying for membership must apply for not less than five 
shares. 



Capital : How Paid Up. 

The capital of the Society shall be raised in shares of twenty shillings 
each, which shall be transferable only; every member — society or employ^ — on 
admission, shall pay the sum of not less than one shilling on each share taken 
up, and the unpaid portion of the shares may be paid by dividends, or bonus, 
and interest ; but any member may pay up shares in full or in part at any 
time. 

362 



Application Form. 

Whereas, by a resolution of the Co-operative 

Society Limited, passed at a general meeting held on the.. .. day 

of it was resolved to take up shares (being 

(me share of twenty shillings for each member), said shares being 
transferable, in tlie Sizailish (JDo-ffperatibe Wi\ioltsB\z S^aciti^ 
%ivxiUh, and to accept tJie same on the terms and conditions 
specified in the Rules. Executed under the seal of th6 society on 
the. . . .day of Attested by 



y Three Members. 



BENEFITS DEEIVED FEOM MEMBEESHIP. 

(a) The liability of the member is limited, each member being only 
responsible for the value of the shares held. 

(6) Members receive double the rate of dividend on purchases paid to non- 
members. 

(c) Share capital is paid 5 per cent, per annum. 

{d) Members have a share in the management of the Wholesale in pro- 
portion to the amount of goods bought, as each society has one vote in right 
of membership, one for the first £1,500 worth of goods bought, and one other 
additional vote for every complete £3,000 of purchases thereafter. 

These advantages, added to the special benefits secured by the leading 
position of the Wholesale, will, we trust, induce societies as yet non-members 
to carefully reconsider the question, and take the necessary steps to secure to 
their members the full benefits of co-operative distribution. 



COEEESPONDENCE. 

All letters must be addressed to the Society, and not to individuals. 
Addressed envelopes are supplied at cost price. Separate slips ought to be 
used for the different departments — the Accountant's, Grocery and Provision, 
Drapery, Boot and Shoe, Furniture. The slips can all be enclosed in the one 
envelope. Attention to this simple rule will greatly facilitate the despatch of 
goods and ensure promptitude in answering inquiries ; it will also aid in the 
classification of the letters for reference in any case of irregularity or dispute. 

363 



Cash Remittance. 



Cheques must be made payable to the Society. 



LIST OF BRANCHES OF THE UNION BANK OF 
SCOTLAND LIMITED. 



Head Offices: 



-Glasgow, Ingram Street; Edinburgh, George Street. 
London Office: — 62, Cornhill, E.G. 



Aberdeen, Castle Street. 

„ Fishmarket. 

„ George Street. 

„ Holburn. 

„ Torry. 

West End. 
Aberfeldy. 

Aberlour, Strathspey. 
Alloa. 
Alva. 

Ardrishaig. 
Ardrossan. 
Auchterarder. 
Auchtermuchty. 
Ayr. 

Ballater. 
Banchory. 
Banff. 
Barrhead. 
Barrhill. 
Bathgate. 
Beith. 

Blair-Atholl (sub to Pitlochry). 
Blairgowrie. 
Bo'ness. 
Braemar. 
Brechin. 
Bridge of Allan. 
Buckie, Banffshire. 
Campbeltown. 
Castle-Douglas. 
Clydebank. 
Coatbridge. 
Coupar-Angus. 
Crieff. 
Cullen. 
Dalbeattie. 
Dairy, Galloway. 
Darvel (sub to Galston). 
Doune. 
Dumbarton. 
Dumfries. 
Dunblane. 
Dundee. 
Dunfermline. 
Dunkeld. 
Dunning. 
Dunoon. 
Edinburgh, Blackball. 

„ Chambers Street. 

„ Golden Acre. 

„ Gorgie Markets 

(open on Tuesdays 
and Wednesdays- 
sub to Haymarket). 

„ Haymarket. 

„ Hunter Square. 

„ Lothian Road. 



BRANCHES: 

Edinburgh, Morningside. 
Muirayfield. 
Newington, 
North Merchiston. 
Norton Park. 
Piershill. 
S'th Morningside. 
Edzell. 
Elgin. 
Ellon. 
Errol. 
Fochabers. 
Forfar. 
Fraserburgh. 
Galston. 
Gatehouse. 
Girvan. 
Glasgow, Anderston. 

Battlefield. 

Bridgeton Cross. 

Buchanan Street. 

Charing Cross. 

Cowcaddens. 

Dennistoun. 

Eglinton Street. 

Gov an. 

Hillhead. 

Hope Street. 

Hyndland. 

Kinning Park. 

Maryhill. 

Partick. 

Polloksshaws East. 

St. Vincent Street. 

Shawlands. 

Shettleston. 

Springburn. 

StockweJl. 

Tollcross. 

Tradeston. 

Trongate. 

Union Street. 
Glencraig, Fife (open on Mon- 
days, Wednesdays, and Satur- 
days-sub to Lochgelly). 
Gourock. 
Greenock. 
Hamilton. 
Helensburgh. 
Huntly. 
Inveraray. 
Inverness. 
Inverurie. 
Irvine. 
Johnstone. 
Keith. 
Killin. 
Kilmarnock. 



Kilmarnock, Riccarton. 

Kincardine. 

Kirkcaldy. 

Kirkwall. 

Kirriemuir. 

Ladybank. 

Largs. 
I Larkhall. 

Leith. 
I „ Leith Walk. 

Lerwick. 

Leslie. 

Lochgelly, Fifeshire. 

Lochgilphead. 

Macduff. 

Maybole. 

Mearns (sub to Barrhead). 

Millport. 

Moffat. 

Moniaive. 

Motherwell. 

New Aberdour (open on Mon- 
days and Fridays — sub to 
Rosehearty). 

New Pitsligo. 

Paisley. 

,, Wellmeadow. 

Perth. 

Peterhead. 

Pitlochry. 

Port-Glasgow. 

Portknockie, Banffshire. 

Portsoy. 

Renfrew. 

Rosehearty. 

St. Margaret's Hope, Orkney. 

Scalloway, Shetland (sub to 
Lerwick). 

Stewarton. 

Stirling. 

Stonehouse. 

Strachur, Lochfyne (open on 
Thursdays-sub to Inveraray). 

Stranraer. 

Strathaven. 

Stromness. 

Stronsay (open during fishing 
season -sub to Kirkwall). 

Tarbert, Lochfyne. 

Tarland. 

Thornhill. 

Thornton, Fife (open on Mon- 
days and Market Days — sub 
to Kirkcaldy). 

Tillicoultry. 

Troon. 

Turriff. 

Wick. 



364 



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m 


^J 







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CO 


r-i 


CO 


CXI 


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cq 


oi 






























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CD 
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c<r 


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r-i 


iO 


lO 


cq 


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00 


rH 





lO 


r-i 


in 


00 





Tti 




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CO 


00 


00 








00 


10 


00 


CD 


t- 


CO 







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rH 


y-t 










rH 




1-i 




*4 




























§ 


(?l 


00 


CO 


t- 


00 


to 


r-* 


CD 





■^ 






t- 


OS 


o> 


o> 


rH 


-<* 


CO 


CO 


00 


t~ 




2 


Cfi CO 


CD 





rH 


=^ 


00 


OS 


00 





cq 


rH 
































t^ 


00" 


r-i 


CO" 


CO 




co~ 








cq 


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CO 


: 


J 


: 


] 


00 


T-i 


cq 


CO 


-* 










CI 






rH 





rH 




r-l 


r-i 












tH 


rH 


rH 


s 


OS 

T-t 


OS 


OS 
rH 


OS 










cT 


cd" 





t-^ 


0" 


CD" 


<o 


CD 


t-^ 


t^ 










« 


cq 


CO 


<M 


CO 


cq 


CO 


cq 


cq 


OI 











d 














" 






ce 









p 


•" 


^ 


" 


" 


" 


' 




^ 


l-s 


'08 




PL< 






















^ 






r^ 


- 


J 


J 


~ 


J 


~ 


5 


t. 


~ 








i=! 


























03 


















OQ 










^ 


J 


J 


;. 


;: 


:; 


03 




1 








>^ 














>^ 




1^ 








CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


rH 


r-i 


CO 




1 





877 



<^ 



o 


o 


<N 


>o 


t^ 


o> 


CO 


CJ 


h- 


iO 




rH 


'^ 


o 


rN 












OJ 


Tjl 


cq 


o 


00 





00 


S 

O 


a> 


-H 


tH 



O 


CM 


o 


<M 


t- 


i—i 


05 


m 


CO 


O 


t~ 


o> 


cq 


T-l 


C5 


o 



O rH 



=4? 



t- 


s 


cq 


CN 


00 


CO 


CN 


T-i 


-* 


-* 


00 
tH 


o 


00 


o 




rH 


CO 


CO 


CN 

I— 1 


CO 




CO 


i 


CO 

CN 


o 






i 


1— 1 


(N 



iO o 



tH CO tH CO >0 
rH tH 

t- 00 lO CN CO 






<^ 



T-t CD <Ji <Ji O 
rH O CO CO CN 
O »0 C^i 05 -* 



O O »o 

tr- CD O 

(N rH CO 

rH CD ^'' 



i^J t~ lO lO 00 

aj 00 CO rH CO 



o> o 

rH 

(N 00 



(NOllOOqiOrHCOCOrH 

CSlOOOClt-OCNOO 

q^ 00_^ 00^ CO C^_^ O^ -^il^ CO O <N^ 

t-^ocr'^'"cN"t-^t-^irroo"'!jr 

THfN-*COt-C75COCOCO 



Cfl 



-* CN 

t- CN 

CO r~t 

t^ CO 

CN "<* 



00 O 

O rH 

r-\ rH 

rH 00 

t^ CO 

CO -*" 



lOOOrHrtlt-OrHCNCO'* 
<3505000rHiHr^rHrH 
C30 00OiOlC3O>OiO>CiOl 

CO" rH" 00 T-^ QO" rn" o" oo" t-^ t-T 
C^COCNCOCNCOCOCNCNGq 

6 « 

® ^ ^ « 

§ ^ 

COCOCOCOCOCOrH-HrHCO 

378 



1 


eo 


-^ 


Oi 


»H 


O 


U2 


•* 


^ 


«o 


O 


»o 


t~ 


^^ 


g 


. '1 




■^ 


at 


•«*< 


<M 


t~ 


<N 




O) 


t~ 


Oi 


CT 


CO 




crtO, 


>o 


^ 


1—1 


rtl 


(M 


o 


»o 


'* 


»o 


UJ 




o 


CO 


* 


s 


— t 






























OQ 
































^i 


s 


eo 


(O 


s 


? 


? 


8 


8 


? 


tH 


? 


s 




g 




do 


6 


t- 


CD 


6 


CO 


05 


t- 


t- 


CO 


■^ 


»b 


<b 


CM 


s 1 




T— 1 






iH 


iH 










rH 


iH 




tH 






























He* 


r«« 




^r. 


t- 


O) 


rH 


to 


o 


CO 


r-t 


eo 


t- 


<N 


o 


tH 


CO 


o 








tH 
















iH 






tH 


*s 


• CO 


iH 


r-i 


o> 


00 


eo 


o> 


t~ 


00 


>o 


tH 


CM 


00 


■«* 


00 


o 


a>S 


iH 


tH 


»H 






iH 




iH 


tH 








iH 




PU 


00 


05 


iH 


t- 


00 


^ 


Q 


00 


00 


O 


rH 


00 


(M 


[^ 


tr- 


Crt tH 


CO 


CD 


^ 




CD 


C5 


■^ 


CM 


o 


-H 


iH 


c- 


C4 


io 


% 


CO 


00 


IC 


Tjt 


t- 


O^ 


CO 


lO 


O 


rH 


« 


"^» 


C5 


t- 


°1 


55 




















i-T 


iH 


ih" 






ih" 

iH 

i 


si 


00 


00 


00 


iH 


8 


O 


>o 


CD 


tH 


o 


-tH 


ta 


CM 


Ci 




iH 


o 


<M 


t- 


« 


Oi 


CO 


o 


iO 


»o 


o 


«P 


«p 


U3 


le <s 


Oi 


OS 


s 


■4t< 


o 


tH 


4f( 


O 


rr^ 


-* 


OT 


CO 


o 


00 


cn 


!«i 


5 


-* 


lO 


o 


XO 


>o 


o 


>o 


U3 


»o 


o 


O 


-* 


in 


1 




























HN 


HW 


s 


rdt- 


c 


C5 


Tjl 


la 


t- 


■^ 


iH 


O 


O 


CO 


00 


Ci 


00 


CO 


S-2 


• CO 


CO 


T— ( 


05 


t- 


CD 


CO 


o 


t- 


o 


CO 


H* 


CO 


CO 


a 


2^ 


OD 


T-i 


iH 












rH 


tH 






tH 


iH 




1 


Q 


05 


05 


CD 


CD 


00 


CM 


o 


O 


t- 


tH 


00 


t~ 


CO 


CO 


CO 


■^ 


<N 


CD 


C5 


-* 


a> 


CN 


eo 


CO 


CO 


CO 


t- 


cǤ 


Q 


"^ 


O 


CD 


G3 


rH 


CO 


<M 


"^ 


t^ 


°1 


o 


t- 


t- 


WO* 




-<ir 


V 


TiT 


co" 


co" 


-*" 


TiT 


TjT 


"dT 


■* 


rjT 


wT 


cm" 


co" 


s 






























»o 


o 


































rdOl 


O) 


CO 


o 


t- 


CO 


T*( 


o 


eo 


CO 


■^ 


>o 


o 


eo 


o 








1— 1 


















tH 




tH 


1 -g 


„; ««3 


CD 


(M 


t~ 


CO 


05 


05 


00 


o 


00 


rH 


t~ 


^ 


CO 


iH 


DQ 


1—1 


1—1 


rH 


tH 






tH 






iH 


iH 




iH 




1 




05 


o 


00 


00 


o 


00 


o 


CO 


CO 


00 


t^ 


o 


^ 


00 


CD 


(M 


00 


»o 


lO 


o 


Ol 


-rj* 


<M 


<N 


CO 


o 




CM 


oo 


CflOO 


tH 


co^ 


CO 


CO 


t-^ 


CO^ 


00^ 


lO 


rH 


00 


CO 


o 


«o^ 


o 
































! 


co" 


oo" 


t-^ 


t-^ 


o" 


t^ 


t-^ 


t-^ 


t~ 


oo" 


on" 


Ol" 


o" 

rH 


>cr 


tH 




rdC^ 


CO 


t- 


o 


t~ 


CO 


o 


tH 


eo 


CO 


t- 


<M 


Tt* 


00 


C5 il 








iH 








tH 














li 


£ 


«; o 


Oi 


CO 


t- 


co 


en 


o 


CD 


»o 


o 


t- 


C5 


Ci 


eo 


CO ii 


S 


OQ 


tH 


iH 


iH 


-^ 




iH 


iH 














tH 1! 


m 


t- 


00 


^ 


00 


00 


o 


Ttl 


r*H 


CO 


Oi 


CM 


00 


HI 


iH 


Oi 


g 


„,»« 


CM 


a 


»o 


»o 


»o 


<M 


tH 


CM 


rH 


-* 


o 


§ 


CM 


CO 


cftoo 




CO 


C0_^ 


CO 


t- 


CD_ 


00^ 


O 


t-^ 


00 


CO 


CO 


o 
































EH 


co" 


oo" 


t-^ 


t~ 


CO" 


t^ 


t-^ 


t^ 


t^ 


00 


oo" 


Ci 


o" 

tH 


»o" 


tH 
































iH 


; 


; 


1 


j 


\ 


': 


\ 


; 


o 


rH 


cq 


CO 


■<* 


: i; 




i 


l-H 


tH 


rH 


§ 


iH 


tH 


tH 


tH 


tH 


tH 
CJS 

tH 


OJ 


iH 
C75 

iH 


tH 






00 


t-^ 


CD 


i-T 


o" 


Oi 


CD 


CD" 


O 


r-T 


o 


^ 


t-^ 


t^ 






CN 


<N 


(M 


CO 


CO 


CM 


cq 


cq 


CM 


00 


CO 


ox 


CM 


CM 




tJ 


















^ 






^ 


, 






_o 






' 














^ 






3 

1-3 


OQ 


tS 


"ffl 




























■g 




r^ 


J 


~ 


~ 


- 


~ 


~ 


; 


S 


J 


- 


:; 


S 


~ 


Cii| 




c 
































® 
































OQ 


























00 






^ 




























1 




-|J 


























^ 






§ 


^1 

1 


~ 


J. 


J. 


^ 


» 


. 


5 


^ 


- 


- 


: 


o 


I 




S 
























s 






o 


T— 1 


.—1 


iH 


^ 


tH 


— H 


tH 


»H 


tH 


tH 


tH 


iH 


«o 





379 



crt 



OS 
CO 

t-^ o -^ 

iH CM 00 



O Oi ?o 

05 »— I CO 

CO O CX) 



00 CM 

CD CO 

O « 

co" oT 



-* Q CD 
iH O tH 
CO 1-H «D 



li 



1^ oo 
„; 00 






CO 00 »o 

CSj Cq CD 

t^ »0 00 

1-t Ci 



IC (M 00 
ip O op 
»H 6l tH 



00 CO 

CD -* 

CO OS 

of of 



5§ 



Oi CO 
CO CO 



CD 0> 

05 CO 

-^ CD 

(M (N 



o o 

1—1 

CD tH 



o 

en 
O 

Ph 

EH 
O 
O 



^2 



CD 

CrtcD 



(^ 


o 


,_l 


CD 


tH 


CO 


t~ 


00 


00 


t- 


CO 


CO 


o 


CD 


CD 












■«* 


'^ 


Oi 


00 


CO 


o 


OJ 


(M 


CD 


« 



rt3 00 






CO CO 

id -* 

"* CD 

05_ o^ 

i-T its' 

00 CN 



r-4 CD 

CD t- 

T-H tH 

CD CO 

CD CO 

CI (N 

00 »o 

CO r-f 



.A 05 



05 >0 



crt 



00 tH CM CO ^ 

O tH »-H iH iH 

O) OS O) O O) 



CO CO 

380 



QQ 

o 

EH 

I— I 



1 


qj8 


U3 


o 


s 


s 


s 


?: 


g 


o 


o 


O 






. i 


« 


Ol 


to 


00 


to 




U3 


CN 


*H 


C^ 


O 


• 


5 

QQ 




■^ 


oo" 


s 




i 


oo" 


00 


co" 


eo" 


oo" 

tH 


eo 


• 


' a 




























a- 


^ 


o 


Tft 


CN 


o 


to 


00 


00 


00 


o 


o> 


ei 


^ 


0) c 


1-1 


•^ 


o 


<? 


Ol 


-»»« 


CN 


00 


CN 


»o 


OS 


eb 


■^ 


'if 


« 


eb 


»b 


CO 


C4 


6 


^ 


CO 


CN 


m 


tf 


















* 












rd«o 


«o 


Oi 


o 


(N 


-^ 


-H 


iH 


CN 


o 

iH 


l^l 


to 


OS 


«j 


«2 


1-1 


t-t 




CO 


o 

1-1 




CN 

1—1 


OS 
1-1 


o 

iH 


00 


00 

1-1 


00 


»■. t- 


CI 


to 


t- 


eo 


J^ 


j^ 


T-H 


iH 


00 


§ 


»o 


>o 




.crtoo 


CO 


§5 


to 


t^ 


OS 


o 


rH 


iH 


a 


OS 


CN 


« 


»H 


o 


■^ 


00 


lO 


05 


CN 


Tjl 


•«» 


!>. 


K. 


r-l 




















» 










55 




iH* 


cf 


oo*" 


co" 


t- 


■* 


co" 




-h" 




OS 




























CN 


:- 

s • 


JO*" 


C3> 


00 


00 


o 


»2 


? 


s 


to 


o 


m 


t- 


O 


li 


"»»• 


to 


<N 


<?« 


tH 


o 


oo 


tH 


>o 


o 


r-i 


^ 


(N 


■it* 


to 


'^ 


CSI 


a 


o 


>b 


Cfl 


CO 


<J0 


CN 


kO 


O 


iO 


»o 


o 


o 


-v 


■* 


»o 


o 


•^ 


T»1 


>o 


tf 




























t 


'ds 


o 


<N 


00 


o 


00 


o 


o 


iH 


Tjl 


o 


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o 


s 


1-1 














iH 




1-t 




T-t 




mO) 


eo 


to 


00 


CO 


t- 


to 


CO 


iH 


•* 


OS 


»o 


o 
























iH 


rH 


c s 


««§ 


00 


00 


CO 


o 


o 


iH 


o 


CO 


CN 


OS 


to 


1 


S'l 


-* 
•^ 


s 


00 


§ 


05 


s 


s 


00 


lO 


o 


s 


H&. 




























ec 


CO 


f^ 


lO 


CN 


U3 


o 


o 


o 




eo 


CO 


o 


c 




1-t 


<M 


CO 


lO 


t- 


t- 


t- 


to 


CN 


CN 


T-t 


to 


o 


























■* 




rdos 


a 


CO 


o 


<N 


o 


t- 


t- 


Ci 


a 


o 


CN 


to 


1 


«o 


CN 


CO 


,_! 


CO 


CO 


C5 


o 


<3i 


■* 


o 


■^ 


CO ,; 


i-H 




T-^ 












l-( 










§ 


t- 


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t~ 


Ci 


1—1 


1-1 


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CO 


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CO 


OO 


=«B 


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00 


c:i 


00 


ta 


00 


c- 


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c^ 


lO 


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t- 


t- 


■yt^ 


1—1 


o 


o 


co_^ 


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<N 


CO 


2 




























p^ 


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rH 


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t-^ 


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«s 


« 


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rjl 


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^ 


CN 


OJ 
















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j 


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1-1 


lO 


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00 


o 


o 


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iH 


1 


mO 


(M 


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00 


to 


1—1 


o 


CO 


a 


t- 


C>1 


T»* 


t- 






1— ( 








1—1 


1— 1 






1-t 


T-t 




1 




CO 


,^ 


00 


CO 


00 


-* 


a 


CO 


CN 


g 


to 


,_, 


§ 


cǤ 


CO 


00 


to 


00 


<75 


o> 


00 


»o 


OO 


CD 


00 


o 


o 




•>«»« 


O^ 


t^ 


JO 


CN 


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c^ 


to 


"*« 






























H 


o" 


o 


oo" 


la 


go" 


CN 


co" 


Oi 


CN 


T— r 


00 


t- 


OO 






CN 


•* 


to 


CJJ 


1—1 


CO 

1-1 


oo 


1-1 
i-H 


-«*i 


-* 


<N 


s 




t- 


iH 


00 


; 


o> 


: 




: 


• 


CN 


CO 


Tj< 




1 
i 






r-l 


r-l 


1-1 


i 


iH 


tH 


tH 


1—1 

a 

1— i 


OS 

1—1 


OS 
1-t 




1 




T-T 


t-^ 


o" 


to" 


CO 


t-T 


s 


to" 


o" 


oo" 


t-^ 


t~" 








CO 


C<J 


CO 


CN 


03 


CN 


G<l 


CO 


CN 


CN 


'N 




: i 


1 






^ 


^ 


^ 


^ 


„ 


„ 


« 


_ 


„ 


3 




1 


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Q 






















i-s 


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u 


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g 






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1^ 






00 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


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381 



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tH 


t- 


t- 


^ 


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1—1 


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CN 


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crt 



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t^ O 00^ 

oo" ih" cm" 

T-l (M (M 



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CO (M ■'tl 1-1 
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CO 


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CO 


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1 


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1—1 


CO 


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55 




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s 


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CO 


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crt 



a 1-1 

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1—1 

CO 00 

iH Ui 

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cm" CO 

CM CM 



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tH 

c:t5 cm 

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CO tH 

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CMlOQOi-lTjlt-OTHCMOO-* 
OSOiOJOOO'— li— li— Ir- li— I 

CX)00CX)OiOiO5O>OiC5OiOi 

i-rod"i-roo"T-roor-rcrrod't-^t^ 

COCMCOCMCOCMCOCOCMCMCM 

8 . = . = = = . = = I 

CD „^^^^^^„^- 

T3 

CO . "3 

»- ^ a 

g -"" = -" ^ = ' ^ 

COCOCOCOCOOOOOiHrHiHCO 

382 



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O 



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g 




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1 


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CO 


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CO 


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cq" 


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CO 


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1H 





Rate 
percent. 


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C5 


00 


Oi 


CO 




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00 


t- 


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00 


CO 


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tH 


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m 


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1 




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tH 






iH 


o 


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cq 


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00 


■^ 








tH 








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£ 


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CO 


CO 


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1-1 


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CO 


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CO 


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1-1 


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tH 


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CO 


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CO 


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co- 


00 


cT 


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CO- 1 


C3 




iH 


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CO 


CO 


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CO 


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cq 


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CO 




r6 CO 


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^ 


00 
















tH 




iH 








1 


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CO 


Gi 


Ci 


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1—1 




1—1 


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2 


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CO 


CO 


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CO 


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00 


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CO 


CO 


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CO 


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1 

1 


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g " = = " = = s I 

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II 



892 



EMPLOYES. 



NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, JUNE 27th, 1914. 



Distributive Departments. 

General Office Glasgow 

Grocery „ 

Stationery „ 

Potato (not including Field Staff) „ 

Cattle Buying „ 

Coal 

Drapery (Mantle and Millinery Workrooms included) „ 

Boot 

Furniture „ 

Carting and Fodder „ 

Waste , 

Cleaners „ 

Miscellaneous „ 

Dining-room „ 



ShieldhaU 



Leith — Warehouse 

„ Carting Department 

Kilmarnock 

Dundee 

Enniskillen and Creameries 

Edinburgh — Chambers Street 

Greenock — Sugar Forwarding 

London — Drapery Office 

Canada (Winnipeg) — Wheat Buying 
, , Elevators 



Betail Branch Elgin 

»> ») Buckie 

» » West Barns 



Collective 
Totals. 

293 

186 

23 

7 

7 

6 

521 

131 

183 

258 

17 

20 

9 

24 

14 

1,699 

114 

72 

35 

7 

102 

38 

1 

3 

3 

11 



386 



24 



Productive Departments. 



Boot Factory, Currying, &c Shieldhall 1,104 

Parkview Glasgow 250 

Clothing Factory, Ready-made Shieldhall 442 

„ Bespoke and Caps Glasgow 290 

Juvenile „ 124 

Artisan ShieldhaU 207 

„ Underclothing Glasgow 148 

WooUen Shirts „ 180 

„ Dress Shirts Potterhill 249 

Laundry „ 84 

Hosiery ShieldhaU 161 

)j n Leith 95 

„ Mantle Glasgow 64 

„ Waterproof 56 

„ Hat (Silk) , 9 

„ Umbrella „ 10 



Carried forward 
893 



3,473 
5,582 



NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, JUNE 27th, 1914. 



Productive Departments — continued. Collective 

Totals. 

Brought forward 5,582 

Saddlery Glasgow 12 

„ Leith 1 

Horse Shoeing Glasgow 5 

„ „ Leith 2 

Cartwright Glasgow 3i 

,, Leith 7 

Motor Engineering Glasgow 13 

Engineering Shieldhall 76 

Electrical Glasgow 40 

Tinware Shieldhall 108 

Scale Bepair Glasgow 17 

Cabinet Shieldhall 274 

Brush „ 46 

Printing „ 491 

Tobacco „ 193 

Preserve ,, 234 

Confection ,, 101 

Coffee Essence ,, 59 

Pickle „ 36 

Chemical „ 264 

Miscellaneous ,, 14 

Sausage Glasgow 23 

Ham Curing „ 21 

„ „ Leith 12 

Aerated Water Glasgow 98 

„ „ Leith 10 

„ Stirling 12 

,, ,, Dunfermline 13 

Chancelot Flour Mills Edinburgh 97 

Junction „ „ Leith 50 

Regent „ „ Glasgow 97 

Ettrick Tweed „ Selkirk 170 

Ayrshire Blanket „ Galston 46 

Soap Works Grangemouth 123 ; 

Fish Curing Aberdeen 75 ' 

Creameries — Bladnoch and Whithorn • Wigtownshire 84 

Farm — Carntyne Lanarkshire 1 

Estate — Calderwood „ 48 \ 

Milk Centre — Ryelands „ 8 < 

3,015 i 



Building Department. • ^ 

Tradesmen 349 

Management 12 

361 



Total 8,958 

394 



BONUS TO LABOUR. 



The paymeDt of bonus, since its institution in 1870, has taken three 
different forms. Till 1884 employes received, on wages earned, double tl^e 
rate per £ allocated as dividend on members' purchases. This arrangement 
was then replaced by one which set aside the double claim of the employ^, 
and, recognising a difference between workers in the distributive and produc- 
tive departments, established a differential rate. The distributive employes 
received the same rate of bonus as was the rate of dividend on members' 
purchases, and the rate of bonus to productive workers was determined by the 
net aggregate profit made in the manufacturing departments only. This 
arrangement continued till 189^, when the system of bonus payment was 
again revised. Hitherto the whole bonus allocated had been paid over ; but 
the present system, which allows a uniform rate to both distributive and 
productive departments, requires that one-half of each worker's bonus be 
retained and put to his credit, forming a special fund, called the Bonus Fund. 
This capital bears interest at the rate of 4 per cent, per annum, and is not 
withdrawable until the expiry of three months after leaving the service of the 
Society, unless with the consent of the Committee. 

EMPLOYE-SHABEHOIiDEBS. 

Simultaneously with the introduction of the present scheme of bonus, 
arrangements were made to permit of employes becoming shareholders in 
the Society. The number of shares held by one individual may range from 
five to fifty of twenty shillings each, and the paid-up capital bears interest at 
the rate of 5 per cent, per annum. By the rules of the Society, the share- 
holding employes are entitled to send one representative to the quarterly 
meeting, and one additional for every 150 employes who become shareholders. 
At the present time there are 593 shareholders, which permits of a repre- 
sentation of four at the business meetings of the Society. 

The statements following show the amount of bonus paid each year since 
1870, and the total amount thus paid to employes, also the Bonus Fund and 
the Employe-Shareholders' Fund at June 27th, 1914. 

395 



Bonus to Labour. 
First Bonus Scheme. 



Amount. 
£ s. d. 



Average 
Bate per £. 

s. d. 



Quarter ending November 19, 1870 . 



Year 



5 11 8 

40 10 lOJ 

52 7 9^ 

90 1 8 9^ 

... 8 J 



18, 1871 

16, 1872 

15,1873 

14,1874 116 9 

13,1875 109 15 4 8 

4,1876 108 13 4 8 

3,1877 12110 8 

2,1878 147 17 8 

2,1879 203 3 9^ 

October 30,1880..... 322 9 3 1 1 

November 5,1881 368 3 8 1 

4,1882 453 9 1 Oil 

3,1883 542 3 llj 

1,1884 484 2 6 9J 



Second Bonus Scheme. 



Year ending 


Distributive 
Amount. 


Rate 
per £. 


Productive 
Amount. 


Rate 
per £. 




£ 


s. d. 


s. 


d. 


£ s. 


d. 


8. d. 


October 31, 1885 ... 


483 


13 1 .... 





61 .. 


— 




— 


December 25, 1886 .... 


873 


6 .... 





6i .. 


— 




— 


31,1887 ... 


603 


2 .... 





61 .. 


.. 315 2 


1 


4 


29,1888 .. 


683 


12 1 .... 





6i .. 


. . 628 11 


7 ... 


7 


28,1889 ... 


833 


16 10 ... . 





6i .. 


.. 1,016 14 


10 ... 


8^ 


27, 1890 . . . 


1,139 


6 10 ... . 





7 .. 


.. 1,762 10 


6 ... 


11 


26,1891 ... 


. 1,208 


9 3 .... 





61 .. 


. . 1,802 14 


9 ... 


9 


31,1892 ... 


. 1,813 


8 3 ... 
396 





6^ .. 


. . 2,320 11 


4 ... 


9 



Bonus to Labour. 
Present Bonus Scheme. 

£ a. d. 

Year ending December 30, 1893 3,775 15 

29, 1894 3,563 18 9 

28, 1895 4,634 14 

26, 1896 5,965 17 9 

25, 1897 7,431 8 8 

31, 1898 7,017 2 6 

30, 1899 8,943 12 

29, 1900 9,938 10 8 

28,1901 10,502 8 8 

27,1902 11,136 

26, 1903 11,832 11 9 

31, 1904 12,476 12 8 

30,1905 12,418 15 7 

29, 1906 12,849 4 8 

28,1907 13,407 14 7 

26,1908 14,276 19 10 

25,1909..... 13,892 9 

31,1910 14,366 9 4 

30,1911 15,433 3 3 

28,1912 15,340 13 4 

27,1913 16,583 

Half Year ending June 27, 1914 8,744 10 8 



Total amount paid as bonus to June 27th, 1914 £253,172 10 1 

Amount of Bonus Fund at June 27th, 1914 75,942 10 5 

Employe-Shareholders' Fund at June 27th, 1914 — 593 employes holding 
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413 



THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION LIMITED. 



Head Offices : 

HOLYOAKE HOUSE, HANOVER STREET, MANCHESTER. 

General Secretary: Mr. A. WHITEHEAD. 



Branch Offices : 

GLASGOW: 263, WALLACE STREET, KINGSTON. 

Sectional Secretary : Mr. Jas. Deans. 

LONDON: 99, LEMAN STREET, E. 
Sectional Secretary : Mr. B. Williams. 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE : 84, WESTMORLAND ROAD. 
Sectional Secretary : Mr. W. Clayton. 



WHAT IS THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION? 

TT is an institution charged with the duty of keeping alive and diffusing a 
•^ knowledge of the principles which form the life of the Co-operative move- 
ment, and giving to its active members, by advice and instruction — literary, 
legal, or commercial — the help they may require, that they may be better able 
to discharge the important work they have to do. 

WHAT HAS IT DONE? 

The greater part of the legal advantages enjoyed by Co-operators originated in 
the action of the Central Board of the Union, and the Central Committee which 
it succeeded. They may be summarised as follows : — 

(1) The right to deal with the public instead of their own members only. 

(2) The incorporation of the Societies, by which they have acquired the right 

of holding in their own name lands or buildings and property generally, 
and of suing and being sued in their own names, instead of being driven 
to employ trustees. 

(3) The power to hold £200 instead of £100 by individual members of our 

Societies. 

(4) The limitation of the liability of members for the debts of the Society to 

the sum unpaid upon the shares standing to their credit. 

(5) The exemption of Societies from charge to income tax on the profits of 

their business, under the condition that the number of their shares 
shall not be limited. 

(6) The authorising one Registered Society to hold shares in its own corporate 

name to any amount in the capital of another Registered Society. 

414 



The Co-operative Union Limited. . 

(7) The extension of the power of mombers of Societies to bequeath shares by 

nomination in a book, without the formality of a will or the necessity 
of appointing executors, first from £30 to £50, and now to £100, by the 
Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, which also makes this 
power apply to loans and deposits as well as to shares. 

(8) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1871, which enables Societies 

to hold and deal with land freely. 

(9) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1876, which consolidated into 

one Act the laws relating to these Societies, and, among many smaller 
advantages too numerous to be mentioned in detail, gave them the right 
of carrying on banking business whenever they offer to the depositors 
the security of transferable share capital. 

(10) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893 and 1913. 

The Union consists of Industrial and Provident Societies, Joint-Stock 
Companies, and other bodies corporate. 

No Society is admitted into Union unless its management is of a representative 
character, nor unless it agree — 

(1) To accept the statement of principles in the rules of the Union as the rules 

by which it shall be guided in all its own business transactions. 

(2) To contribute to the funds of the Union the annual payment 

following : — 

A contribution at the rate of I^d. in respect to each member of each 
such Society, and calculated according to the number of 
members returned by each Society in its last Annual Return 
to the Registrar. 

The financial year commences on January 1st in each year, and ends on 
December 31st following. 



N.B. — Secretaries forwarding Cheques on account of the Union are requested 
to make them payable to the Co-operative Union Limited; Money Orders to 
N. H. Cooper, Cashier. 



SUMMAEY OF THE LAW EELATING TO SOCIETIES 

UNDER THE 

INDUSTRIAL AND PROVIDENT SOCIETIES ACT, 1893. 

I. Tlie Formation of Societies — 

1. Application must be made to the Registrar of Friendly Societies, in 
London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, according to the case, on a form supplied 
by the office, signed by seven persons and the secretary, accompanied by two 
copies of the rules, signed by the same persons. 

2. These rules must provide for twenty matters stated on the form of 
application. 

415 



. The Co-operative Union Liinited. 

N.B. — Model rules on these twenty matters can be obtained from the 
Registrar's office ; and the Co-operative Union Limited, Holyoake House, 
Hanovbe Street, Manchester, publishes, at the cost of IJd. a copy, general 
rules, approved of by the Chief Registrar, providing also for many other 
matters on which rules are useful ; and capable of being adopted, either with 
or without alterations, by a few special rules, with a great saving in the cost of 
printing. 

The General Secretary of the Union will prepare such special rules, without 
charge, on receiving a statement of the rules desired. 

II. Bights of a Registered Society — 

1. It becomes a body corporate, which can by its corporate name sue and be 
sued, and hold and deal with property of any kind, including shares in other 
societies or companies, and land to any amount. 

2. Its rules are binding upon its members, though they may have signed no 
assent to them ; but may be altered by amendments duly made as the rules 
provide, and registered, for which a fee of £1 is charged. The application for 
registration must be made on a form supplied by the Registrar's office. 

3. It can sue its own members, and can make contracts, either under its 
seal or by a writing signed by any person authorised to sign, or by word of 
mouth of any person authorised to speak for it, which will be binding wherever 
a contract similarly made by an individual would bind him. 

4. It may make all or any of its shares either transferable or withdrawable, 
and may carry on any trade, including the buying and selling of land, and bank- 
ing under certain conditions, and may apply the profits of the business in any 
manner determined by its rules ; and, if authorised by its rules, may receive 
money on loan, either from its members or others, to any amount so authorised. 

5. If it has any withdrawable share capital it may not carry on banking, 
but may take deposits, within any limits fixed by its rules, in sums not exceeding 
10s. in any one payment, or £20 for any one depositor, payable at not less than 
two clear days' notice. 

6. It may make loans to its members on real or personal security ; and may 
invest on the security of other societies or companies, or in any except those 
where liability is unlimited. 

7. It may make provision in its rules for the settlement of disjDutes between 
members and the society or any officer thereof, and any decision given in 
accordance with the conditions stated in the rules is binding on all parties to 
the dispute, and is not removable into any court of law. 

8. If the number of its shares is not limited either by its rules or its practice 
it is not chargeable with income tax on the profits of its business. 

9. It can, in the way provided by the Act, amalgamate with or take over 
the business of any other society, or convert itself into a company. 

10. It can determine the way in which disputes between the society and its 
officers or members shall be settled. 

416 



The Co-operative Union Limited. 

11. It can dissolve itself, either by an instrument of dissolution signed by 
three-fourths of its members, or by a resolution passed by a three-fourths vote at 
a special general meeting, of which there are two forms — (A) purely voluntary, 
when the resolution requires confirmation at a second meeting ; (B) on account 
of debts, when one meeting is sufficient. In such a winding up hostile 
proceedings to seize the property can be stayed. 

III. Rights of Members (see also IV., 4, 5, 6)— 

1. They cannot be sued individually for the debts of the society, nor com- 
pelled to pay more towards them than the sum remaining unpaid on any shares 
which they have either expressly agreed to take or treated as their property, or 
which the rules authorise to be so treated. 

2. If they transfer or withdraw their shares, they cannot be made liable for 
any debts contracted subsequently, nor for those subsisting at the time of the 
transfer or withdrawal, unless the other assets are insufficient to pay them. 

3. Persons not under the age of 16 years may become members, and legally 
do any acts which they could do if of full age, except holding any office. 

4. An individual or company may hold any number of shares allowed by the 
rules, not exceeding the nominal value of £200, and any amount so allowed as 
a loan. A society may hold any number of shares. 

5. A member may nominate up to £100 of his holding in the society, 
whether in shares, loans, or deposits, by a writing recorded by it, and may 
revoke the nomination of any persons to take this investment at his death ; 
and if he dies intestate, without having made any subsisting nomination, the 
committee of management of the society are charged with the administration 
of the fund; subject in either case to a notice to be given to the Coromissioners 
of Inland Revenue whenever the sum so dealt with exceeds £80. 

6. The members may obtain an inquiry into the position of the society by 
application to the Registrar. 

IV. Duties of a Registered Society — 

1. It must have a registered office, and keep its name painted or engraved 
outside, and give due notice of any change to the Registrar. 

2. It must have a seal on which its name is engraved. 

3. It must have its accounts audited by a Public Auditor at least once a year, 
and keep a copy of its last balance sheet and the auditors' report constantly hung 
up in its registered office. 

4. It must make to the Registrar, before the 31st of March in every year, a 
return of its business during the year previous, and supply a copy of its last 
returns gratis to every member and person interested in its funds on application. 

5. It must, once at least in every three years, make out and send to the 
Registrar, along with the Annual Return for the year, a special return showing 
the holding of each person in the society (whether in shares or loans) at the 
date to which the said Annual Return is made out. 

FF 417 



The Co-operative Union Limited. 

6. It must allow any member or person interested in its funds to inspect his 
own account and the book containing the names of the members. 

7. It must supply a copy of its rules to every person on demand, at a price 
not exceeding one shilling. 

8. If it carries on banking, it must make out in February and August in 
every year, and keep hung up in its registered office, a return, in a form 
prescribed by the Act ; and it has also to make a return every February to the 
Stamp Office under the Banking Act. 

The non-observance by a society of these duties exposes it and its officers to 
penalties varying from £1 to £50, which are in some cases cumulative for every 
week during which the neglect lasts. 




418 



Women in Industry. 



BY JAMES HASLAM. 



r 



WE have in the title of this article a subject which brings 
us face to face with one of the most perplexing, and 
perhaps one of the most arresting, problems in the 
extensive realm of social and economic investigation. It is a 
problem, too, that has been forced upon us, or rather impressed, 
to some extent, upon the mind of the public only within 
recent years. Prior to the birth of the twentieth century 
only a comparatively few persons — persons usually fascinated by 
sociological study — displayed any special interest in the subject, 
and it was seldom that they had an opportunity of imparting their 
knowledge through popular sources. Owing also to the fact that 
no investigation of a really extensive character had been made, 
information of women workers, except in old-estabhshed trades, 
was incomplete and incoherent, and consequently unreliable. It 
was impossible to work out a comprehensive or trustworthy survey 
of wages and conditions of labour from previous publications. 

It is still difficult to do this with anything like scientific 
precision. But those who have been accustomed to pursue the 
subject, and make progressive notes upon it, must have been 
vastly encouraged by the overwhelming facts and figures that have 
been brought to light during the sex and social restlessness of 
the past few years. The revelation has been appalling in its 
■sordidness. It has been encouraging only in the proof of an 
awakened interest, and a stimulated public consciousness in 
regard to conditions that have been discreditable to civilisation, 
and in proof also of a determination to marshal facts in preparation 
for local and national effort to remove deep and widespread 
grievances, the evils of which no man or woman could now fully 
trace; they have gone to the grave with the girls and the women 
v/ho have been their victims. 

There is no subject to-day of more importance, nor one that is 
likely to have more effect upon the conditions of society in future, 
than that of women in industry. How to deal with it adequately 
in the space to be encompassed in this contribution is one of the 
difficulties that would present itself to any writer who has given 
much time to study and inquiry regarding it. In recent years the 
subject has forced itself upon us with alarming strides; it has 
been contemporary also with the rise of various activities, new 
impulses, and desires on the part of females; and anybody who 

419 



Women in Industry. 

thinks at all must be asking himself, or herself : What is the cause 
of the increasing cry of woman for a more active share in the 
work of the world, for greater social and political liberty, for 
industrial conditions of equality with that of man — in fact, for 
the right to regulate and control her own life under conditions 
which have not been permitted hitherto ? What does it all mean ? 
Whither is it leading us? What is to be woman's place in the 
society of the future? 

It is not my object to deal with these phases, or to attempt to 
provide an answer to them. Men and women in widely different 
capacities are wrestling with the grave, yet somewhat fascinating, 
problem, which the interrogations involve or suggest. Politicians, 
social scientists, trade union leaders, local governing authorities, 
employers of labour, and others are finding themselves, day after 
day, being more bound by the questions which the problem, in 
the course of its evolution, is thrusting upon them. There will be 
no escape from it; it will have to be faced. The past is dead. 
And the newer activities, and the newer outlook of women, are 
playing a greater part than most of us are aware of, perhaps, in 
the preparation and the formation of the new social world we are 
about to enter. 

But my only province here is to treat of women in industry. 
I have no intention of going into any "ancient" history of this 
subject; it is too much of a live problem of to-day, and of the 
immediate future, to waste time in constructing readable phrases 
of things no longer with us. I want to endeavour to present the 
living facts as we have them before us at this moment. I should 
like to say, nevertheless, that the advance of woman in industry 
has now become so prominent, and so permanent as a feature in 
national life, that even our biologists are concerning themselves 
about it. In a joint work on Sex, only recently written by Patrick 
Geddes (Professor of Botany, University of St. Andrews) and 
J. Arthur Thomson (Professor of Natural History, University of 
Aberdeen), the question is asked, "What may be the place of 
woman in the contemporary transformation of the industrial age?" 
Professor Karl Pearson, in an essay on Woman and Labour (1894), 
contended that woman's problem of the future was "to reconcile 
maternal activity with the new possibilities of self-development 
open to women." This, he said, was par excellence their problem. 
"It is not one," he also wrote, "which can be solved by 'equality 
of opportunity,' but solely by the recognition of maternity as an 
essentially social activity, by the institution of some form of 
national insurance for motherhood, and by the correlated restriction 
and regulation of woman's labour." Since these words were 
written, twenty years ago, the nation has recognised the necessity 
of national insurance for motherhood in the maternity section of 
the National Health Insurance Act, and the regulation of labour 
in a very special sense in the Trade Boards Act, though women's 

420 



Women in Industry. 

labour has been long regulated by the Factory Acts. But the 
restriction of women's labour is another matter altogether. 
The tendency of industrial changes has seriously lessened this 
restriction, and the probability is that in future sex (except through 
physical causes) will not be a barrier, as it has been, traditionally, 
in the past, to social and industrial activities, whether of men or 
women. The point, however, I wish to emphasise is that the 
scientists' desire to secure regulation of labour, with the object of 
making it more compatible with woman's maternal function, does 
not go far enough. Beyond this, the woman worker of the future 
will demand economic justice and more freedom from the selfish 
and, in too many instances, cruel form of exploitation which has 
stained our pages of industrial history, so far as the employment of 
women is concerned. 

No one, however, can have gone closely into the awakening 
which has taken place during the past few years without having 
observed one great change that has come over any operations 
directed towards the full emancipation of women ; and that is, that 
whereas women's subjects were once investigated and judged only 
by men, comparatively speaking, women themselves have not only 
come forward to investigate, to analyse, and to pass judgment, 
but they are determined to wrestle with the problem themselves, 
and be the foremost in helping towards, and in urging and 
demanding a solution. This is important and will have a far- 
reaching effect ; for it means that, however backward men may be 
either in understanding or dealing with the problem, however 
cynical, narrow-minded, or parasitical some of them may remam 
with regard to the newer resolve and the newer outlook of women, 
the women themselves are determined to make their own progress. 
Men may or may not be wise enough or sensible enough to work 
side by side with the women as social comrades ; but what I want 
to say is, that it does not depend upon men so entirely as it has 
done heretofore ; the new factor in the problem is the perception of 
women themselves, that, if women's wrongs are to be righted, 
women themselves will have to understand and champion the 
cause. The test of one's value to society in the twentieth century 
is not to be sex alone, but service to the well-being of the 
community. We would seem to be on the brink of a newly- 
constructed society, a new world, in which opportunity must be 
given to women for larger development ; for freer exercise of their 
capacities; for better chances of attaining a level of equality with 
men, in extending to family existence and the advancement of the 
State every condition necessary to the exaltation of human 
character and the fulness of life in any and every grade of society. 

THE NUMEEICAL POSITION OF WOMEN WOEKEES. 

Now, I am going to take the view that in no grade of society 
are the foregoing remarks more applicable than among the working 

421 



Women in Industry. 

classes. They have the most to gain by better and higher 
conditions, at any rate, of social, industrial, and political life. They 
have the most to obtain from the true progress of democracy. 
And if they are to take their proper place in the society of the 
future they must have more justice extended to them, more leisure, 
more education, more control of the means of life, regarding either 
physical or mental requirements. And to no one is the subject of 
women workers of more vital importance. Their women-folk da 
not work to provide themselves with a useful hobby, or to satisfy 
some passing whim ; their working-class women — the child-bearers 
of the industrial race — are wage-earners and bread-winners in real 
earnest. They should be the very first to rise against that practice 
which has prevailed now for too long — that is, the practice of 
underpaying women for industrial service merely because they are 
females; this custom of exploiting our wives and daughters and 
sisters, yea, and our mothers and grandmothers, has had a 
disastrous effect upon the economic and moral welfare of 
working-class life. Hence, who should be more interested in the 
advancement of women workers than working men? And as 
women have realised that they must solve their own problems, so 
the working classes must deal with their own difficulties and aims 
in their own way, and learn to utilise the failures of self-effort as 
stepping stones to success. But we must, first of all, perceive 
that there can be no really sound progress in working-class life 
without the application of high principles to women in industry. 

However, let us see, in the first place, what is the numerical 
position of women in industry, and to what extent they have 
gained upon males in industry. It is in the continually increasing 
numbers of female workers that we shall realise we have 
before us a grave social problem. In the industrial life of the 
nation the place and power of females are growing rapidly. 
However much longer women in other grades of society may be 
prepared to play the satellite to man in the social affairs of life 
(and this is becoming less in evidence), women are becoming a 
greater and greater part of the industrial strength of the nation; 
almost every day England in particular becomes more seriously 
involved in the problem of female labour. 

D.uring the past twenty years females have been employed in 
occupations that were previously wholly monopolised by males. 
But if we go back to 1841, when, according to writers like Frederick 
Engles, the working classes of northern industrial centres lived 
under deplorable housing and sanitary conditions, we find that 
women were beginning to increase at a more rapid rate than men 
in certain groups of well-defined industries. This may be 
graphically illustrated by a tabulated series of figures which I 
have taken from an edition of The Evolution of Modern Capitalism, 
by Mr. .J. A. Hobson, published' in 1894, and reproduced 
herewith. 

422 



Women in Industry. 



S 8 8 § § S 
=1 «. n 3- s. -- 
S I g ^ - 2 



i I 

S 3 



I § § § § 

I i i - i 



1 1 



8 8 

00 00 



p? 



00 



8 S 8 



03 eo 



I § § § I 



§ I § § § 

lo irf 00 « 00 

O »0 1^ 



8 8 

t- OS 



00 S o5 c- S 

§ 3 2 i§ ^ 



as 3 5 e5 

O U3 (N «o 



O 
Q 



I i 



8 8 



8 8 



8 8 



I I I I 



§ 



2 S 









I i 

a j3 

CO a 



2 « >. 

-•CO 

£ S * 
Q fc ^ 



Women in Industry. 

The figures, of course, speak for themselves. The totals show 
at a glance the gradual ascendency of females over males. This is 
attributed to the development of machinery in manufacturing 
processes, which could be tended by females, and which were in 
some cases more adapted to the industrial qualifications of the 
female sex; but another factor which undoubtedly helped the 
gradual rise of females in number was that they could be secured 
at cheaper rates. Whilst this circumstance was an obstacle to the 
economic improvement of working-class family life, it was readily 
taken advantage of by capitalists in competition one with another. 

However, the table which I have given indicating the progress 
of females in industry leaves us with the numerical position as it 
was in 1891. I shall not attempt to bring these identical figures 
up to date, because, owing to the variations made in the census 
returns, the task could not be done, in all probability, with 
accuracy. But, so far as the figures go. in the groups of trades 
enumerated, it is clear that there was a remarkable advance in 
regard to the employment of female labour. Let us now see the 
numerical relationship between males and females in nine groups 
of our manufacturing industries, as shown in the occupational 
census returns of 1901 and 1911: — 



Trades. 



Precious Metals, Jewels, ] 
Watches, Instruments, [ 
and Games (including , 
Electricity Supply ) I 

Wood Furniture, Fittings, 
and Decorations 

Brick, Cement, Pottery, and 
Glass 

Chemicals, Oil, Grease, 
Soap, &c 

Skins, Leather, Hair, and 
Feathers 

Paper, Prints, Books, and 
Stationery 

Textile Fabrics 

Workersand Dealers in Dress 

Food, Tobacco, Drink, and 
Lodging 



Number of Persons 
Employed in 1901. 



Totals. 



Males. 
148,491 

276,591 

152,795 

118,244 

90,672 

219,621 
594,742 
492,149 

929,049 



3,022,356 



Females. 
19,853 

81,041 

37,061 

31,431 

27,194 

114,640 
867,259 
903,646 

372,027 



2,404,152 



Number of Persons 
Employed in 1911. 



Males. 
122,664 

344,509 

183,896 

155,245 

97,937 

252,880 
677,177 
511,880 

1,067,164 



3,413,351 



Females. 
25,153 

36,003 

42,707 

42,748 

34,564 

145,623 
958,907 
895,298 

543,853 



2,724,856 



It may be repeated that the above list of industriog embraces 
nearly the whole of our manufacturing trades. The position of 
females, it will be observed, has been well maintained during the 
ten years covered by the statistics. Males increased by 390,996, 
and femaiesi by 320,704. However, the figures clearly indicate to 
what a large extent we are dependent upon the services of females 

424 



Women in Industry. 

in the continual output of our manufactured goods. I shall 
endeavour to show, later on, how unfairly we have rewarded them 
in the form of wages. 

According to the census of 1911 the following was the number 
of males and females over ten years of age occupied as wage-earners 
and profit-makers in the United Kingdom : — 



Country. 


Males. ! Females. 


England and Wales ' 


11,453,665 4,830 734 


Scotland 

Ireland 


1,473,757 593,210 
1,387,198 430,092 


Totals , 


14,314,620 ; 5,854,036 

1 



The total number occupied in 1901 was: — Males, 12,951,186; 
females, 5,309,960. Of the 5,854,036 females employed in 1911 
there were 2,045,563 engaged in domestic offices or services, thus 
leaving 3,808,473 at work in an industrial, a commercial, and 
professional capacity. It is surprising how great has been 
the development among women in connection with many of 
our industries, and in such trades in which females a few years 
ago were almost unknown. As iron and steel workers in England 
and Wales the growth of women from 1901 to 1911 was 19'4 
per cent., and that of men 11"9 per cent. In the making of tinplate 
goods men decreased by 10'5 per cent., and women increased by 
86'1 per cent. ! In white-plated ware men decreased by 1'2 per 
cent., and women went up by 312 per cent. In brassfounding, 
finishing, &c., men declined by 12'9 per cent., and women 
ascended by 20'3 per cent. There was also a diminution of men 
employed in the manufacture of precious metals, jewellery, 
watches, &c., to the extent of 2*9 per cent.; on the other hand, 
females came out with an increase of 26"3 per cent. Even when 
we come to the making of scientific instruments and photographic 
appliances, in which accuracy and patience are required, we find 
that women were added to, during the decennial period, at the rate 
of 80'1 per cent., and men at the rate of 53'0 per cent. 

And so one might proceed with numerous other proofs that 
females are entering even metal trades at a greater rate than 
males are — trades held exclusively by males only a few years ago. 
It is, in fact, surprising how our sisters, wives, and mothers have 
been provided with employment in almost every character of 
engineering work, where machinery has gradually displaced the 
strength, endurance, and the old hand skill of men. Females have 
to take their place in the making of nails, rivets, heavy chains, 
in "general engineering*' and machine making, in the manufacture 
of textile fittings, of machine tools, gas-fittings, and of metal 
requirements of various descriptions. In England and Wales, 
from 1901 to 1911, females in the making of gas-fittings increased 

425 



Women in Industry. 

by 170'8 per cent, and men by 1451. Eespecting furniture, 
fittings, and decorations, women again had the greater percentage 
of increase, as they had in earthenware manufacture. In 1881 
there were 62 women to every 100 men in the making of 
earthenware, china, and porcelain goods; this proportion had 
risen to 73 to the 100 in 1911. Hence, measured by percentage, 
the pace of woman is quicker than that of man. Few occupations 
are now free from the advance of our sisters. In printing, 
Hthography, and bookbinding they recorded an increase of 43 '9 
per cent, from 1901 to 1911, compared to 17'6 per cent, respecting 
men. Woman is taking the same course that man has done in 
the gradual acquisition of rights and liberties; year by year she 
becomes a greater industrial asset; year by year she will realise 
strength in the nation's dependency upon her industrial skill and 
training ; year by year she will rise from a low to a higher economic 
position in social, industrial, and family life; from the higher 
economic ground she will proceed to greater industrial justice for 
herself and her sisters ; and by the extension of her industrial 
position, and her indispensable place in factory and workshops 
organisation, she will enlarge her perception of the value of trade 
union and political power. We are told that in the census of 
1831 (the year preceding the passing of the great Eeform Act) many 
householders made no attempt to eftter their women-folk in the 
population columns as separate beings from themselves. They 
were the little lords of creation. They lumped their wives and 
children and female servants together, and counted them as one 
person along with the householder. In many cases females were 
returned as belonging to neither agricultural, industrial, nor 
commercial classes; there were not a few instances in which 
females were left out of the returns altogether as being of no 
account. But times have changed ! Woman has continued to 
push her way into various activities of life and work, and in no 
class is her advance more persistent than in that of the industrial 
necessities of the nation. What does it all mean? What will be 
the outcome of it in regard to the sex and economic circumstances 
of society? In The Evolution of Modern Capitalism, Mr. J. A. 
Hobson wrote : — 

Modern manufacture with machinery favours the employment of women 
as compared with men. Each census during the last half century shows that 
in England women are entering more largely into every department of 
manufacture, excepting branches of metal work, machine making, and 
shipbuilding, &c., where great muscular strength is a prime factor in success. 

It is twenty years since that was written, and since then 
women have entered several of the metal trades from which they 
were barred at that time. 

AVERAGE EARNINGS OF FEMALES IN EMPLOYMENT. 

From the foregoing pages we have seen, or measured, the 
numerical position of women in industry. We have perceived that 

426 



Women in Industry. 

in many trades females are increasing at a greater percentage rate 
than men are. We have next to gather some particulars about 
the way that our women workers are compensated in actual wages 
for their industrial service. The whole of the pages of this 
contribution might very well have been occupied with the gloomy 
facts of this section of the subject alone. From the point of view 
of wages society's treatment towards the women is not one of 
which we can be justly proud. Of late years the economic 
conditions of females in industry have improved, and that 
improvement continues. Let us hope that it will not be set back. 

In 1906 the Board of Trade made a very wide and detailed 
investigation into the wages of workers in almost every industry 
in the United Kingdom. On the whole, wages are not much 
different to-day. In some instances they are slightly higher, and in 
other instances slightly lower, according to the periodical rising and 
falling of wages rates in all industries. There has, perhaps, been a 
greater tendency towards higher rates among females than among 
males, owing to the awakening of public consciousness, and the 
interference with wages rates among sweated industries — mainly 
composed of women, forsooth — by the Government. The effect of 
the Trade Boards Act of 1909 has been encouraging. But I shall 
allude to this at greater length when dealing with the lowest-paid 
trades. 

The figures which I now wish to present are based upon the 
earnings of women for one full week — the last pay-day week — in 
September of 1906. I am relying upon this week of 1906, because 
we can get from it tlie most complete return on earnings and hours 
of labour that has ever been issued by any organisation or any 
State department. And, in order to indicate the low estimate that 
has been put upon girls and women as industrial workers, I shall 
compare their earnings with those of boys and lads. It will be 
seen that the wages of women over eighteen years of age are 
much the same as lads under twenty; as a matter of fact, in 
some cases they do not reach the standard paid to mere boys. 

At this time, when many people are claiming for women who 
perform work equal to that of men a wage equal to men's wages, 
it is important that we should realise that they have been up to 
the present rated with boys. Even if we leave aside the relative 
value of the work performed by women and by boys of 
comparatively tender age, it may still be argued that a worker 
employed in any industrial pursuit during the full working hours 
of the week should be paid a sufficient wage to provide food, 
clothing, and shelter. A very large percentage of adult women 
workers do not earn that life's sufficiency; they cannot provide 
themselves with a decent livelihood, and, in spite of a hard week's 
work, they must, perforce, rely upon charity, or the help of 
relatives at every emergency that arises. The measure of injustice 
meted out to adult women is further emphasised when we remember 

427 



Women in Industry. 

that whilst a lad receives a greater wage than she, he, when he 
becomes an adult, has the opportunity in skilled trades of having 
his wages advanced to anything from 100 to over 200 per cent, 
in excess of the earnings of grown-up women. The outlook of 
the woman worker is seriously handicapped in this respect : as 
girls they are rated at a lower standard than boys. As adult women 
they occupy the level 'of lads from fourteen to twenty years of age. 
And they remain in that position whilst lads go ahead. 

However, in order to show clearly the position of girls and 
adult women as compared with boys and lads, I have compiled 
three tables. The first shows industries in which the wages of 
women are fairly higher than the wages of lads ; the second 
tabulates trades in which lads and women's wages are pretty 
much alike; the third deals with industries in which adult women's 
wages are lower than those paid to lads. Each table gives the 
wages for a full week's work. The first table is as follows : — 



Trades. 



Lads and 
Boys. 



Women. 



Girls. 



Printing 

Bookbinding. 

Paper, Stationery Manufacture 

Wallpaper : Process Block Making 

Baking and Confectionery 

Chocolate Workers 



s. d. 

8 7 

8 8 

8 6 

9 7 
9 6 
9 8 



Musical Instrument Manufacture | 9 

Umbrella, Parasol, and Stick Making... | 10 



s. d. 
12 3 
12 10 

11 11 
18 9 

12 8 

14 10 
(Piece 
Rates.) 

15 9 
15 7 



6 6 

9 5 

6 5 

6 7 



8 3 
6 11 



We will now take the second table: 



Trades. 



Lads and 
Boys. 



Women. 



Girls. 



C!ardboard,Canvas,&c.,BoxManufacture 

Earthenware, &c 

Chemical Manufacture 

Lime, &c., Works 

Soap and Candle Makers 

Saltworks 

Olass Industry 

Preserve Foods, Jam, Pickles, «fec 

Biscuit Manufacture 

Aerated Water Manufacture 

Tobacco, &c., and Snuff Manufacture ... 

Leather Tanning and Dressing 

Brush and Broom Makers 

India-rubber, Gutta-percha, &c 

Linoleum, Oilcloth 

Miscellaneous Leather Goods 

Miscellaneous Industries 



s. d. 
10 3 



11 
10 



11 9 

11 

9 8 

9 1 

10 4 
9 10 
9 6 
9 9 

11 
9 11 
9 11 

10 5 
10 5 
10 7 



s. d. 

12 3 
11 11 
10 8 

13 1 



12 
10 



10 6 
10 11 
10 10 
9 7 
12 
12 11 
10 6 
12 8 
12 9 
12 8 
12 5 



s. d. 

6 1 

6 2 

7 4 

8 6 
6 11 
6 11 

6 7 



7 

7 

6 

9 

6 

7 

7 

6 6 

6 9 



428 



Women in Industry. 

The third table (showing in which trades women receive less 
wages than lads and boys) is as follows: — 



Trades. 



Brick, Tile, Pipe, Fire-clay Ware 11 

Glass Bottle Makers i 12 

Explosives Manufacture | 15 

Grain Milling i 11 

Malting and Brewing j 10 

Chocolate Workers i 9 

Confectionery Workers : 9 

Sugar Refining I 12 

Spirit Distilling ! 12 

Oil-seed and Oil-cake Manufacture i 13 




In all the above trades female workers are poorly organised as 
regards trade unionism; in many of the trades there is no trade 
union at all. It is in the textile industries where females are the 
best organised, and where, on the whole, there is a greater disparity 
between the wages of lads and women, to the advantage of the 
women. In order to make our comparisons complete I have 
compiled the following table of textile trades : — 

Trades. Lads & Boys. Women. Girls. 

: s. d. 3. d. s. d. 

Cotton I 11 6 18 8 10 1 

Woollen and Worsted ; 8 10 13 10 8 4 

Linen i 7 8 10 9 6 7 

Jute 10 11 13 5 9 8 

Silk i 8 2 11 2 6 4 

Hosiery I 9 5 14 3 7 9 

Lace j 12 8 13 5 7 1 

Fustian and Cord Cutting | 9 8 10 10 8 1 

Bleaching, Dyeing, &c. ..I 10 8 , 12 4 8 2 

Other trades that may be cited are : — 



Trades. 



Lads & Boys. 


Woraen. | 


Girls. 


s. d. 


s. d. ! 


s. d. 


9 11 


15 5 


6 4 


8 11 


11 10 


5 1 


6 11 


14 2 : 


5 5 


8 9 


13 4 


6 9 


10 4 


12 4 i 


6 9 


12 7 


16 4 i 


7 8 


10 7 


13 10 


7 2 


8 9 


12 10 i 


6 6 


9 4 


12 9 


6 7 



Dress, MilUnery, &c. (factory) 

Tailoring (ready-made) 

Tailoring (bespoke) 

Shirt, Blouse, Underclothing .. 

Boot and Shoe 

Silk Hat and Felt Hat 

Dyeing and Cleaning 

Laundry (factory) 

Laundry (workshop) 



429 



t Women in Industry. 

These figures give a clear indication of the general lowness of 
women's wages, even in trades that are mainly on a higher level 
than those that are branded as "sweated." But they do not tell 
the whole of the sorry story. At any rate, they demonstrate the 
economic position of grown-up women as compared with male 
3^ouths in a remarkable way. The position, too, is worse than the 
figures, bad as they are, would lead one to perceive. For instance, 
the average wages for "boys and lads" are lumped together — 
that is, the average is one made up from the total earnings of all 
males below twenty years of age. With regard to women the 
average is that of all women above eighteen years of age. Hence, 
if the average for all females were based on the same age condition 
as that of boys and lads, women would compare still worse with 
males who are below the age of domestic responsibility. What it 
means is that the mother of a family, who, through one 
circumstance or another, may be the principal bread-winner, is 
rated, as a wage-earner, on no higher level than the majority of 
youths at any age from sixteen to twenty years. 

In the factories and workshops of the United Kingdom, or, at 
any rate, of Great Britain, there are well over 2,000,000 girls 
and women employed. The Duchess of Marlborough recently 
estimated, after an investigation, that, in all probability, 300,000 
women in "organised" industries receive less than 12s. per 
week. This alludes to "women," not girls. But if you take the 
average earnings shown in the tables above, and consider that 
deductions are being constantly made through sickness, breakdowns 
of machinery, trade depression, seasonal slackness, shortness of 
raw material, general and statutory holidays, it will be seen that 
a very great number of our adult women workers do not obtain 
12s. per week the year round. It has been estimated by the 
Women's Industrial Council that the minimum sum necessary to 
meet the minimum requirements of a desirable life of a single 
woman is 15s. per week. This is for a single woman. What 
about the thousands of married women and widows, who have 
dependents in the way of underpaid or unemployed husbands, 
infirm or unemployable husbands, or young children? But the 
15s. standard is certainly low enough. It was stated by Mr. 
Barnes (an officer of the Board' of Trade) before a Select Committee 
of the House of Commons, in July, 1913, that out of 500,000 
women whose wages had been estimated by the Board of Trade, 
19 per cent, earned less than 10s. per week. Take the groups I 
have enumerated above ; there are fifty-four of them. The average 
earnings for a full week's work was less than 15s. per week in 
forty-eight of the groups; it was under 14s. in forty-five 
of the groups; it was under 12s. in twenty-three of the 
groups; it was under lis. in seventeen groups. Hence, 
when you consider the deductions to which I have alluded, 
it will be perceived that there is very much yet to be done before 

430 



Women in Industry. 

a standard of economic independence can be secured for adult 
women workers. If we next look at the wages of girls (females 
under eighteen years of age) we shall find that they occupy a 
very poor place in our industries as compared with boys. The 
labour they perform in many trades, however, is not necessarily of 
less value to the life and upkeep of the nation; their outlook at 
present is not encouraging ; they proceed from a low standard as 
girls to a low standard as women. With boys it is the other way 
about. There is nothing, perhaps, that tends to destroy the 
dignity, the health, virtue, and the independence of workers so 
much as inadequate wages or earnings that will not purchase the 
common requirements of the week. To many young women it 
means moral ruin. If women must work, either out of sheer 
necessity, or for the purpose of maintaining personal independence, 
or even for the cheapness of production, it is not fair to expect a 
high standard of dignity, refinement, and morality from them if 
they, as adult creatures, are kept to the level of, or below, the 
economic plane of lads. To leave them in this position is to 
perpetuate a grave national discredit. Of course, it should be 
explained that one does not get a full understanding of the 
economic circumstances of women workers by viewing the subject 
from the basis of average earnings given in the form of bare 
statistics. Obviously, some obtain a higher wage than the 
calculated average, whilst many fall below that standard. If you 
were to go through the voluminous returns from which I have 
compiled the above tables, you would observe that thousands of 
women workers — adult women workers — do not earn 10s. per week 
for full employment. Indeed, many are rewarded for the week's 
task with so little a sum as 7s. 6d., and, shame to say, some even 
come so low as 5s. A bare recital of the figures should be sufficient 
to condemn them ! 



SWEATED AND LOW-PAID INDUSTRIES. 

Below the level of earnings already dealt with there is an 
underworld of women workers whose conditions are indescribable. 
These are, perhaps, among the less organised industrial servants, 
among whom exploitation for private profit and competitive 
purposes has been untrammelled. It would be impossible to 
investigate the terrible results. There was no hope at all for these 
workers when left absolutely under a laissez-faire policy. But, 
happily for some of them, Parliamentary interference came to 
their assistance, and all past traditions regarding the free right of 
employers to exploit whom they may, and where they may, were 
swept aside by the establishment of a minimum wage through the 
Trade Boards Act. As a result of the persistent work of the 
National Anti- Sweating League, this Act passed through both 
Houses of Parliament without opposition in 1909. Its free passage 

431 



Women in Industry. 

was one of the clearest signs we have had of an awakening pubHc 
conscience in behalf of under-paid and semi-starved women 
workers. It took some time, of course, to get the Parliamentary 
measure into operation. I am not concerned here, however, with 
the Act and its mode of procedure, so much as with the results 
of its application. Its object was, briefly, to establish a minimum 
wage for workers whose earnings wer6 indisputably low and were 
inadequate for the commonest necessaries of life. It was directed, 
in the first place, to four trades in which the rates of pay were 
exceptionally low. These were chain making, lace finishing, 
paper-box making, and ready-made and wholesale bespoke tailoring. 
These trades comprised about 250,000 workers, mostly women. 
Numerous difficulties presented themselves in the endeavour to 
make the legislation operative, and to fix the minima for the 
various sections of the workers affected. But most of these were 
overcome, and it may be stated that, generally speaking, the 
Wages Boards that were formed and established under the Act 
succeeded in raising the earnings of women in chain making from 
5s. and 6s. to 10s. 6d. a week, and in some cases higher. This 
cannot be considered a luxurious weekly income for such an 
arduous task, but it is better than a mere pittance of 53. and 6s. 
Female outworkers in this grimy and laborious occupation were 
similarly advanced. Although the minimum arranged for lace 
and net finishers amounted only to 2fd. per hour, it was from 
80 to 100 per cent, more than had been paid before the compulsory 
powers of the Act. Under favourable conditions of trade females 
occupied in the manufacture of paper and cardboard boxes used 
to earn from 8s. to 9s. a week, and many less than the lower 
sum. It was estimated that the average wage for a full week's 
work was 8s.. per week. The legalised minimum is now 13s. per 
week. In ready-made and wholesale bespoke tailoring the wages 
have been raised from 8s. to 10s. a week to a minimum of 14s. Id. 
for adult women workers. These are simply bare statements of 
what the Act has achieved in regard to adult workers. The effect 
has been to raise the efficiency of the workers, to improve the 
administration of the trades, to advance the commercial methods 
of the employers, and to increase the numerical strength of trade 
unions. The Act has fixed wages rates for learners and juvenile 
operatives, and has, in consequence, achieved more for the moral 
and physical welfare of girls than most people can be aware of; 
in this respect its worth to the nation can be perceived only by 
scanning through the list of wages which are so meagre that it is 
not to be wondered at that many young and unprotected girls are 
tempted, and fall into sin years before they can understand how 
deep and black is the pit into which they have stumbled, or have 
been pushed into by economic conditions that are, without doubt, 
a shame to British industry. Prior to the Trade Boards Act there 
were women chain workers labouring at heavy, dirty, depressing 

432 



Women in Industry. 

work for 4s. 6d. a week; added to the wearying toil in the forge 
was the incessant burden of domestic duties under the most trying 
and the most impoverished conditions. In tailoring the lowest 
weekly wage for grown-up females is 14s. Id. per week. Before 
the interference of legislation 10 per cent, of the women tailors 
received less than 8s. per week, 20 per cent, less than 10s. In 
paper-box making over 10,000 women over eighteen years of age 
received less than 10s. a week. Hence, the Act, so far as it has 
been applied, has been a blessing to women and children. 
Employers now praise it; it has increased the standard of their 
production, or has had that effect. The nation should now insist 
upon its extension. 

In March of 1914 Mr. Sydney Buxton (then President of the 
Board of Trade) announced in the House of Commons that the 
Govermnent had decided to include four other trades. These were 
sugar confectionery and food preserving, shirt making, hollow-ware 
making, and linen and cotton embroidery. The number of persons 
employed in these occupations are, approximately, 150,000. It 
has been suggested that the extension should include laundry 
workers; if so, 110,000 workers would be added to the list. 
However, the employes connected with the trades in question are 
mainly females, and in far too many cases the conditions of their 
labour are very bad. One does not like to hear of "filthy details" 
in connection with sugar confectionery and food preserving 
occupations. But such is the case, although many concerns 
provide excellent conditions and superior workers. The trades 
under this heading include the manufacture of cocoa, chocolate, 
jam, marmalade, preserved fruits, fruits and table jellies, meat 
extracts, meat essences, sauces and pickles, and the preparation 
of a variety of flesh meats. It is essential for the sake of public 
health that the operatives should be clean and exercise the great-est 
care with regard to cleanliness. But how can that be accomplished 
when their environment in too many instances is discouraging from 
this point of view ? The reports of Home Office factory inspectors 
not infrequently testify to the uncleanly state of the workrooms. 
The economic standard of the workers is no better. In these 
trades, and also in t^a packing and biscuit making, Mr. J. J. 
Mallon (secretary of the Anti- Sweating League) says that an 
inquiry of the Christian Social Union showed that their earnings 
were: — s. d. 

Girls, 14 years 4 9 

Girls, 15 years to 18 years 6 4 

Girls, 18 years and over 11 5 

Married Women 8 11 

Continuing, Mr, Mallon writes: — 

We may profitably compare with these the still more authoritative fissures 
of the Board of Trade inquiry of 1906, which, however, apply to the whole of 
the United Kingdom. 

GG 433 



Women in Industry. 



Women 
(over 18). 



Cocoa, Chocolate, and Sugar Confectionery. 
Preserved Food, Jam, Pickle, Sauce, &c 



s. d. 
11 9 
10 11 



Girls. 



s. d. 
6 7 
6 7 



But what is wrong with a trade is often concealed in average figures. 
Looking beneath them in this instance we find that in the first of the two 
given groups 40 per cent, of women received less than 10s., nearly 30 per cent, 
less than 9s., and actually one woman in five less than 8s a week. 

In the food preserving group the percentage receiving less than 10s. is 
higher, 44*3, but the other percentages are less. 

But probably the most enlightening figures of the Board of Trade inquiry 
are those in which the earnings of workers are classified in occupation groups : — 









Women (over 18)» 




Average 
Earnings. 


Lower 
Quartile. 




s. d. 


s. d. 


Confectionery Workers 




Time 

Piece 


9 1 
11 8 


7 6 

8 6 


Chocolate Workers 




Time 


9 2 


7 


,, ,^ 




Piece 


14 10 


11 6 


Weighers, Fillers, Wrappers, 


Labellers, 


Packers, 
Time 


9 8 


8 


»» >> »> 


>> 


Piece 


11 8 


8 6 


Other Women 




Time 


10 6 


— 


»» >» 




Piece 


11 8 





Indeed, it is computed that one-fourth of the time workers in 
the confectionery trade receive less than 7s. 6d. a week. I am 
very much tempted to enter into a long treatise on the economic 
conditions of adult women workers who may be described as being 
on this scandalous wages level. But even a bare enumeration of 
the list of trade and wages would take up too much of the space 
here at my disposal. I dare not peep into the documents before 
me fear lest I should be induced to reproduce the dispiriting 
facts. Shirt making alone is full of tragic details in the fields of 
women's labour. In some respects it may not be so bad as it 
was when Tom Hood aroused the sympathy of England with the 
"Song of the Shirt," written for the Christmas number of Punch 
in 1843. But it is still stained with "poverty, hunger, and dirt" 
to a degree that ought to shock the refinement of civilisation. 
Except in co-operative establishments, wages for shirt making are 
on a very low scale, and in some parts of the United Kingdom, 
notably in Ireland, they range, generally, from one penny to 
twopence per hour. 

434 



Women in Industry. 

In dealing with shirt makers one has to remember that it is 
an occupation which includes a large number of home-workers, 
among whom wages are seldom above 10s. per week; usually, they 
vary from 5s. to 8s. per week of long hours and strenuous labour. 
In factories many shirt makers, working at piece rates on power 
driven machines, can earn 15s. and 16s. a week. The effect of the 
Trade Boards Act would be to place the rates of home and factory 
workers on a better and a more equal basis. It is difficult to 
estimate the changes in life and character that would be wrought 
by the economic improvement. But to let home-workers stop 
where they are and as they are is foolish, dishonourable, and costly. 
To find them one has always to wander through a labyrinth of 
mean streets; they dwell either on the hem or in the heart of 
areas of petty crime and blackest poverty : the veritable Jago of 
dirty streets and courts and backyards, sloppy with filth. Indeed, 
far too many of us are unaware of the wretched surroundings in 
which quantities of the goods we wear are made. We should 
shudder if we could always realise the truth when we put them on. 
I have brought upon myself fits of anger and depression in visiting 
the dark city regions of home-workers in England, Ireland, 
Scotland, and Wales. I have come away more than once swearing 
that I would never go again. Only a few weeks ago I paid a visit 
to one or two of these social Hades within a short distance of the 
palatial premises of the C.W.S. in and about Balloon Street, 
Manchester. In one domestic prison — it was nothing else — I 
found one woman making shirts. She had six bedraggled children, 
half -clothed, half -fed, rarely ever clean, and never wearing a new 
garment. Her husband had deserted her. Many days she worked 
from very early morning till late at night, stitch, stitch, stitch aU 
the time. And what do you think she earned in the week previous 
to the one I spoke to her in company with a lady social worker? 
Only 7s. I went into a lonely house at the end of a court. There 
were no curtains to the windows. It was a dark, wet afternoon. 
Sitting in the centre of the only living-room in the house was an 
elderly woman, making elastic bands and tassels for umbrellas. 
In this gloomy abode the woman, aged sixty-two, hved and worked 
alone, day after day and night after night. And for what? For 
4s. 6d. to OS. 6d. a week ! She paid 3s. 6d. for the miserable, 
diminutive hut, the very sight of which ought not to be tolerated 
by any Christian nation. How did she live ? Only in this way — 
that what society failed to give her for her incessant labour, charity 
came to the rescue. But why on earth should we permit a system 
of profit-making out of workers who could not be kept ahve to 
perform the never-ending task, if charity did not step in? Was it 
ever intended that either charity or the Poor Law doles should 
have been distributed for the aid of employers? I could cite 
innumerable cases of sweated workers living, or existing, on the 
dual income of labour and public assistance. I have seen it in 

435 



, Women in Industry. 

Manchester, Liverpool, London, Glasgow, Belfast, Birmingham, 
Leeds, not to speak of smaller places. And I have been supplied 
with the names of employers, mostly living in an extravagant 
manner, and not infrequently dwelling in the beauty areas and 
health resorts of the kingdom. This condition of British industry 
is not only grossly unjust to the sweated, blood-sucked workers, 
but it is an imposition upon the public who have to provide what 
employers fail to do — that is, the barest necessities of life. Why 
should there be the slightest hesitation, therefore, in applying 
the Trade Boards Act? 

I have in my possession ample evidence to indicate that the 
rates paid to these home-workers have, in many cases, declined, as 
public assistance and prices of food have been increased. I have 
watched women, assisted by their children, make up shirts at 
8d. per dozen; and, whilst in pursuance of my facts, I have seen 
working-men trade unionists purchasing them. It is this kind of 
indifference to the welfare of their own lower classes that the 
workers themselves make it very difficult to raise the standard 
of life among such women as home shirt makers, earning 6s., 7s., 
and 8s. per week, for hours of labour to which no trade unionist 
would submit. And it is a mistake to assume that articles of 
labour manufactured in the way I have indicated are necessarily 
cheap goods. They are not. I have seen linen goods made up in 
the slums of Belfast for less than one yenny 'per hour. I have 
been shown these goods in wholesale houses and retail establish- 
ments, marked at prices that could be paid only by the wealthy 
classes. And this burden of sweating falls chiefly upon girls and 
women — girls on the border of womanhood, and women who are 
mothers and grandmothers, women who have lamented the 
functions of motherhood because they interfered with their 
wearying labour and the earning of poverty wages. To say that 
we can do no more for these women than has been done 
heretofore is to admit that the civilising influence of social reform 
is hopeless as far as these denizens of the industrial gutter are 
concerned. But how and when are we going to remove the foul 
stain from the escutcheon of British industry? The time should 
be now, and the best weapon we have is the Trade Boards Act. 
It should be used unsparingly. And when we have achieved all 
we can by its operation we may then proceed to a still higher 
standard. 

Now one of the objects of the Trade Boards Act is to set up 
a standard average wage for women workers of 13s. per week. If 
you will compare this standard with the average wages I have 
already enumerated in connection with organised factory labour, 
you will perceive that it is in some instances even higher; it is 
higher than the averages earned in several groups of trades where 
women are protected by trade unions, composed either of females 
only, or females and males. Indeed, the regulation of wages by 

436 



16 


17 


ls 


19 


20 


21 


9- 


Il- 


13/- 


15/- 


17/- 


20/- 



Women iyi Industry. 

legislation has accomplished more in regard to trades already under 
the Act than might have been won by other means in a generation 
almost. But this 13s. standard is still 2s. below what has been 
estimated by experts to be necessary for the maintenance of a 
single woman. And in every city, and in many large towns, there 
are thousands and thousands of women whose earnings are below 
the 13s. standard. Liverpool may be taken as a typical example. 
Not long ago the Rev. H. D. Roberts investigated the conditions 
of women workers in this great shipping city. He estimated that 
100,000 females were employed in shops, factories, and warehouses. 
He was led to the conclusion that 50,000 of these earned less 
than 13s. per week. His figures were supported by the Liverpool 
Anti-Sweating League. As a contrast it may be remarked that the 
City of Liverpool Co-operative Society now pay the following scale 
of wages for females : — 

Ages 14 \t 

Girls 0- 7- 

The payment to manageresses of branch shops is 23s. per week, 
and if buyers as well 27s. per week. 

Now contrast this with the wages of females investigated by 
Mr. Roberts. Female riveters at a tin-canister factory obtain an 
average of 5s. and 6s. per week. He gives instances of shop girls, 
aged eighteen years, working at pay-desks for 5s. a week. In a soap 
factory the average is 9s. In a confectionery business the average 
is from 8s. to 9s. Bottle washers get 6s. 6d. per week and work 
nine-and-a-half hours per day. Rope workers have an average of 
9s. And so one could go on filling pages with the mere recital of 
miserable wages — all below the Trade Boards' standard. In a 
*'most respectable wholesale concern" the wages are 8s. and 9s. 
a week for women from nineteen to twenty-six years of age. 
And mark this : women at this place, up to forty years of age, 
get no more than 9s. per w^eek, and some of these have put in 
twenty years' service. Furthermore, for this each worker has to 
produce a testimonial from a Sunday school teacher, a clergyman, 
or a minister. Here you must go provided with Christian virtues 
and try to live on wages that send scores of women to the Hades 
of the prostitute. There are firms in Liverpool paying an average 
wage of 8s. lid. to women whose ages average twenty-two years. 
I am not concerned with the industrial conditions of these women's 
employment, which, in too many instances, are bad enough in all 
conscience. I am not concerned at the moment with the 
temptations which a city of entertainment and luxury offers to 
those women. I could add, if I had the space, to Mr. Roberts' 
short list, a very long list of low- wage cases in Liverpool, which 
Miss Eleanor F. Rathbone, M.A. (a member of the Liverpool 
City Council) has been good enough to send to me. I have 
another list of Manchester, partly collected by myself. Pages 

437 



Women in Industry. 

could be filled with a bare tabulation of low wages in Birmingham, 
which I have extracted from the inquiries of Mr. Edward Cadbury, 
M. O^cile Matheson, and Mr. George Shann, M.A. In nearly all 
cases this long list cites occupations of women that m.ostly come 
below the Trade Boards' cardboard box standard of 13s. a week. 
The trades in which these women work are such as the making 
of ammunition, bedsteads, belts and buckles, brass buttons, bolts, 
chains, chandeliers, copper, cycles, electric fittings, enamelling, 
fenders, gas-fittings, guns, hair-curlers, hairpins, hinges, hooks, 
horse combs and clippers, lamps, metal plates, nails, needles, 
pens, pins, perambulators, rules, screws, spoons and forks, tacks, 
thimbles, toys, umbrellas, &c. The list extends into clothing and 
sewing trades, into food trades, jewellery, printing, stationery, 
leather, and about forty other groups. I have named the first 
groups, because they indicate the kind of useful work that women 
are doing. Except in a comparatively few cases the average wage 
of women over eighteen comes below the 13s. standard. The 
wages of women in the cycle trade average 10s. 6d. for workers 
over twenty-one years of age, of whom nearly 50 per cent, are 
married women earning lis. weekly. Between seventeen and 
twenty-one the average wage is 9s. 2d. ; below seventeen, 7s. Id. 
My space is filling, and I must omit the statistics compiled by the 
Women's* Industrial Council with relation to women's wages in 
Liverpool, and read before the Statistical Society in 1908. It is 
a record of sordid conditions and scandalous wages. I have also 
before me a dark picture of the conditions in the low-paid trades, 
principally, employing women in Belfast, Dublin, and the North 
of Ireland. Margaret H. Irwin, secretary of the Scottish Council 
for Women's Trade, has issued condensed particulars of women 
workers in Ireland. I have before me as I write 149 cases, with 
their black details, drawn from a variety of occupations, of which 
each group of cases is typical. Everywhere in England and 
Wales, in Ireland and in Scotland, come voluminous evidence 
of wages altogether incapable of keeping body and soul together. 
I am sorry I cannot stay to reproduce examples from Miss Irwin's 
inquiry, or from my own personal notes collected from the lips of 
Irish workers themselves. Wages of 4s., or 5s., or 6s., or 7s. 
are not at all uncommon in shirt making and linen embroidery, 
even in instances where not only long hours are needed, but a 
high degree of skill. The crimson facts have been endorsed by 
inquirers of every description, including lady factory inspectors, 
medical men, and medical officers of health. Proof is 
overwhelming, and the list of low-paid occupations for women 
seems almost inexhaustible. They form a depressing record. 
But what must their black details mean to those who have to 
bear them from day to day? They are connected with the 
manufacture of articles that are ever before us in our homes, 
used or worn by us all. Some of us, however, would nearly lose 



Women in Industry. 

our senses if we or our children had to sink to the conditions and 
the slavery of those who make and finish them. A few years 
ago it seemed almost, impossible to improve their circumstances, 
but that is much less so to-day. The nation has a weapon at its 
disposal. This is the Trade Boards Act, which we might all do 
something, by word or deed, to hasten in its extension. It is not 
pleasant to spend one's time in writing about these things; it is 
undoubtedly gloomy to read about them. But we may at least 
derive some enjoyment from the knowledge that we are engaged 
in a good work once apparently hopeless, but now made possible 
of achievement. 

WIVES, MOTHERS, AND WIDOWS. 

It is generally assumed that females are usually indifferent to 
their industrial outlook, because they are always looking forward 
to marriage. This is no reason why they should be persistently 
underpaid, although it is, no doubt, one of the principal causes of 
the economic plight in which so many females find themselves 
from day to day. In many respects females themselves are 
responsible for the freedom with which they are exploited. So 
long as they live in the hope of marriage, they pay, in consequence, 
less attention to reform, either in the direction of wages, hours 
of labour, or factory conditions. Why that should be so is 
astonishing. But it is so, and employers of labour reap the 
advantage of woman's indifference to industrial welfare. Females 
suffer in two ways. First of all, small earnings provide a less 
opportunity of making provision for marriage; secondly, a great 
number of women have to continue working even after marriage, 
and others have to return to factory labour on the death of their 
husbands. Women marry younger and live longer than men. 
Widows become proportionately considerable; Mr. B. L. Hutchins 
estimates that "something like one woman in every eight over 
twenty years' old is a widow." 

At any rate, marriage in working-class life does not form the 
security against industrial employment as most people w^ould 
assume. As a matter of fact, about one woman out of every four 
females industrially employed is either a widow or a married 
woman. In some trades the percentage is higher than that. 
However, the number of females sccupied in England and Wales 
in 1911 was 4,830,734 (compared to 11,453,665 males). Of these 
females, 680,191 were married and 411,011 were widows — the 
total number of married and widowed women being 1,091,202. 
This amounts to nearly one-third of the total females occupied 
who are twenty years of age and over. The proportion is not so 
great in Scotland, where there were 593,210 girls and women 
occupied in 1911. Of this number 31,465 were married, this being 
5"3 per cent, of the total. There were 44,063 widows, or 7'4 per 
cent, of those occupied. The age at which most females are 

439 



Women in Industry. 

occupied in industry is from twenty to twenty-five years. Up to 
forty-five years of age there are more females in employment than 
there are at any group of ages below twenty. In fact, the census 
of 1911 shows that there were more women returned as being 
occupied at the age of fifty-five than at any age below twenty. 
There is no limit to the occupational age of women. In ]911 
there Were 122,532 in England and Wales working for a living at 
sixty-five years of age and over. Hence, neither marriage nor 
womanhood, including motherhood, is a guarantee against females 
not having to enter the economic struggle in the factory, or in 
domestic service, or in the labour of outworkers and charwomen. 
There are 126,061 charwomen, of whom 37,441 are married and 
61,720 are widows — that is, 99,161 married and widowed out of 
126,061. Charwomen have increased from 111,841 in 1901, when 
86,463 were married and widowed. In nearly all cases these 
women are driven to this occupation because they are dependent 
entirely upon their own earnings, or because they have themselves 
and others to maintain, or because their husbands are infirm, 
underpaid, or are the victims of vice. We may gather from the 
undergoing table a knowledge of the age groups at which females 
are employed as wage-earners: — 



Ages. Numbers. 

10 10,243 

13 39,033 

14 133,217 

15 193,285 

16 225,287 

17 241,988 

18 252,696 



Ages. Numbers. 

19 243,322 

20 1,037,321 

25 1,057,275 

35 604,422 

45 422,642 

55 247,029 

65 and over 122,532 



Now these figures do not cover the total number of females of 
adult age who are dependent upon wage-earning employment at 
one time or another. Women are more irregularly employed than 
men; women, owing to their duties in life, are constantly falling 
out of employment for a period, and returning at a later stage. 
Hence, the range of figures from which industrial women is 
drawn is greater than is usually indicated by the census returns. 
We may safely assume, therefore, that there is much more 
necessity for young female workers fighting for improved conditions 
than is generally assumed. If, marriage causes a break in their 
industrial employment, family economic causes compel a fair 
percentage of them to return. In some occupations the percentage 
of married and widowed women is always considerable. For 
instance, in the manufacture of china, earthenware, and porcelain 
goods there were 25'8 per cent, of the females married when 
returns were obtained in 1911. Among marriageable women the 
percentage must have been much greater, as the calculation was 
based upon females of all ages. In these trades the tendency has 
been for the number of married females to increase. Take an 



440 



Women in Industry. 

example. In 1901 there were 6,984 in the state of marriage and 
widowhood, and 8,795 in 1911. A special inquiry made by the 
Home Office in 1907 into the marriage state of women in all textile 
trades revealed the fact that there were 24 per cent, of women 
over eighteen years of age who were married, and 4 per cent, 
widows. In non-textile factories there were 163 per cent, married 
and 4'4 per cent, were widows. In the textile mills in all parts 
of the United Kingdom, but mainly within a comparatively small 
radius of Manchester, the married women and widows numbered 
about 142,000. It has been estimated that in the cotton trade 
alone about 33 per cent, of the females engaged in the various 
processes are married, or are widows. The total number of married 
women workers in Lancashire is 211,000. 

Industry, under individualism, has displayed no chivalry 
towards women. Ever since the commencement of the factory 
system their industrial and domestic labours have continued to 
increase. Men, at least, have had the choice of freedom, either 
before or after the factory hours of the day. But this has been 
denied to females, and particularly those who are married, whether 
they have become mothers or evaded the duty of perpetuating the 
race. It is not necessary to quote figures or to carry on any 
academical investigation in proof of this, especially to anyone who 
has lived among it and witnessed its appalling results among the 
womanhood of our industrial populations. That it yields dire 
effects upon women, upon mothers, and upon families, the victims 
of this continuous strenuous life would, in too many cases, be 
the last to admit. But it is because they have become blind to 
their true conditions in comparison to what the life and environment 
of a mother and child should be. Eaphael's "Madonna and Child" 
is often presented to us as a picture of motherhood and childhood 
to be imitated, with its suggestion of health, freedom, happiness, 
and the sacred task of motherhood. But how is this domestic 
picture to be at all realisable within the industrial cauldron of 
Lancashire, with so many mothers enslaved to mill conditions from 
early morning to evening, and afterwards enslaved for the night to 
every call of a working-class home? This human blot upon the 
wealthiest industrial county of the kingdom increases rather than 
decreases. And the burden of the married woman worker is part 
of the continuous strain that has. been imposed upon her as a 
female throughout her youthhood. I have worked side by side 
with these women, and, on the other hand, I have since had 
ample opportunity of observing the girlhood and womanhood in 
grades of society presumably occupying a higher economic plane. 
But I have not "the space to go into the details of the daily life of 
the married woman worker, with its never-ending demands upon 
her wasting strength. Nor is it necessary to tr\^ to prove anything 
in this respect by figures. One can rely upon experience and 
observation alone. The life of the married woman is hard and 

441 



Women in Industry. 

harsh, and not infrequently cruel, when compared with the lives 
of other women who live upon incomes largely derived from the 
labour of females in industry. And if I had facility for a 
substantial record of proof I could, by the mere use of scissors 
and paste, overload pages of this Annual with copious extracts 
from a heap of examples I have cut, from time to time, from the 
concrete reports of lady factory inspectors. These extracts relate 
to every industrial region of the United Kingdom, whether in 
connection with the manufacture of cotton in Lancashire, of 
woollen in Yorkshire, of linen in Ulster, of jute in Forfarshire, of 
pots in Staffordshire, of metal goods in Worcestershire, of tinplate 
in Glamorganshire. And so with other trades and other places. 
As I sit writing these lines I can see no less than ten females 
from sixteen to twenty years of age sitting or playing in the 
sunshine, gaining strength and beauty. If they were the daughters 
of working men and women they would be in the factory, or the 
forge, or the warehouse, wasting strength for the wealth of others. 
For if there are two things I have shown in this contribution it is 
the extent to which the daughters of working-class families are 
employed in industry, as youths and adults, and the extent to which 
they are inadequately paid, except in a comparatively few instances. 
One cannot say that females must not work. It is the fashion 
in these days to advocate and demand an extension of female 
employment. The demand is just and necessary to the economic 
requirements of working-class and lower middle-class life; and 
honest work would not do the females of other classes any harm. 
And one could adduce numerous facts proving that where married 
women are employed in industry it is because they are compelled 
to do one of two things : they must either neglect the family or 
their dependents by going to the workshop, or by staying at home 
they must starve themselves and their children through having no 
weekly income. However, if married women have to undertake 
the triple task of wage-earner, child-bearer, and mother, then it 
should be the duty of society to see that their wages are just and 
their conditions of labour more compatible than they are to-day 
with a higher development of womanhood and motherhood. It is 
not at all uncommon to see in our great textile towns the women 
going to work in a morning earlier than the men employed in 
engineering works, and returning home later in the evening. And 
the industrial conditions of these women are more physically 
exhausting and strenuous. Yet you may see these women, 
especially the older ones, tramping wearily through the streets 
from the mills, long after the men have reached home. Is it fair? 
Is it sensible when we come to consider all things that are essential 
to the welfare of working-class society? I am not putting the 
case of the women from any mood of compassion. But it should 
be plain enough to the man in the street even that, so long as so 
many of these women have to drag themselves from the factory 

442 



Women in Industry. 

labour to equally hard labour at home, some consideration should 
be given to them that would tend to make their hoiurs of labour at 
the mills less rather than more than the hours of men in mechanical 
occupations. This was suggested not long ago by one of the 
members of Parliament of a large manufacturing town — himself 
being a millowner — but the suggestion fell on dead ground. Even 
women reformers themselves paid no heed to it. 

The question of women in industry raises m.any problems which 
scarcely come within the scope of this article to discuss ; nor would 
my space be sufficient for the purpose. But of recent years there 
has been among women social workers a determination to exercise 
hostility against any interference with the industrial employment 
of married women. In view of the economic conditions of too 
many families there is much to be said for this opposition. But 
in some cases it has been carried too far, and has tended to check 
the desire to prevent the publication of truthful pictures of the 
reprehensible conditions of the employment of married women 
and the evils arising from it. There has been a fear that if too 
much is said and written about the disadvantages, attempts would 
be made to put an end to the factory engagements of married 
women. But the reliance upon females of all ages for the upkeep 
of British manufacturing industries has now gone too far for such 
a sweeping action to be enforced. Take the processes of the 
preparing, spinning, and weaving of cotton goods. If one were to 
prevent married women working at these occupations it would 
almost completely disorganise the cotton industry, reduce its 
present supremacy, and stifle its future progress. But that should 
not be permitted to stand in the way of any exposure of 
the objectionable conditions of these women's employment. 
Condemnation should be utilised to prepare and enforce improve- 
ments. If married women were turned away from the mills of 
Lancashire it would minimise female operatives to the extent of 
one-third of the total number. Unless they were replaced by 
males the industry would be partially ruined. Nevertheless, it 
has been contended of recent years that the employment of mothers 
in factories does not result in heavy infantile mortahty and neglect 
of children that survive the first twelve months' existence. This 
attitude has been adopted in order to arrest any campaign for the 
abolition of the married woman as an industrial worker. But, 
whatever may be the slaughter of innocents in other counties, 
we are still face to face with the fact that Lancashire, which 
employs more married women in factories than any other area in 
the kingdom, has the greatest annual death-roll of babies. In a 
shaded map of infantile mortality recently issued by the Local 
Government Board the darkest spot was that of Lancashire. The 
next blackest patches were other industrial regions in England 
and Wales. And of twenty-five of the towns with the largest 
death-rates of children below the age of one year ten were in 

443 



Women in Industry. 

Lancashire, and six others in industrial towns near the borders 
of this over-strenuous industrial county. And one must add to 
this yearly list of dead children the number of miscarriages brought 
about through industrial employment. For proof of this read the 
reports of lady factory inspectors for the past few years. I have 
seen pregnant women in the pottery manufactories of Staffordshire 
climbing tables and ladders with heavy weights, and in ihat way 
endangering their own lives and the lives of their unborn children. 
The result is that miscarriage is not at all infrequent in these 
towns where china and earthenware goods are manufactured. 
Many a woman ''with child," in industrial districts, has been 
advised to seek factory employment if she desired to get "rid 
of it." These are incontrovertible facts, which have been recently 
lessened not so much by an improvement in the actual factory 
conditions as by the beneficent effects of the maternity allowances 
in the National Insurance Act. But they still exist to an extent 
that should induce us never to tire of seeking advancement in two 
ways respecting the employment of females in industry: — (1) By 
increased wages to enable expectant mothers to secure rest and 
leisure when they most need them; (2) by special consideration 
being given to the usual working hours of women, and their 
industrial conditions. These achievements are not only essential 
to married women, but to all women during the age of potential 
motherhood — say, between the ages of fifteen and thirty-five. We 
know that, by the application of advanced sanitation, mfantile 
mortality can be reduced. But, when all that has been done, in 
the districts in which women are mostly employed after marriage 
the child death-rate would remain the largest; the latest figures 
issued by the Local Government Board verify this, and they relate 
to the years from 1907 to 1910. In industrial towns the average 
deaths per thousand of those born were less than they had been at 
any time previously, since the industrial revolution had turned 
women from the fields or the domestic workshop. It is gratifying 
to observe this reduction; but the fact remains that by far the 
highest rates are always to be found in crowded industrial areas 
where women are numerously employed in factories. Burnley, 
the greatest cotton manufacturing town in Europe, has the most 
occupied women — and the highest infantile mortality in Great 
Britain ! 

SUGGESTED REMEDIES. 

The one thing I am conscious of in the foregoing pages is the 
omission of numerous examples I might have given in proof of the 
audacious manner m which women have been economically 
exploited and made to serve the purpose of cheap labour. In view 
of the innumerableness of the facts this has been impossible. 
But from the statements I have made, and the figures I have 
reproduced from authoritative sources, it will be seen that the 

444 



Women in Industry. 

questions arising around the conditions of women workers form 
one of the gravest and one of the most pressing problems of the 
day. This is emphasised by the truth that there is a steadily 
growing determination to improve the circumstances of women 
workers concerning wages, hours of labour, respectful treatment, 
health, and sanitation. Generally, their phght at present can be 
only briefly described as degrading. 

But in what way are remedies to be sought? Mainly, perhaps, 
by the adoption of methods similar to those which have been used 
by men — namely, trade union organisation and political action. 
At present, however, women lack both forces. They are most 
inadequately organised, and they have no political power through 
the ballot-box — that is, of a national character. There is another 
method by which the actual conditions of their labour can be 
improved ; that is, by the supervision and influence of lady factory 
inspectors; but in this respect, as in others, they are insufficiently 
served. The present female inspectors perform their duties 
admirably; and only those who read their reports from year to 
year can have anything like a fair idea of the amount of good 
work they are constantly effecting. But they are not numerous 
enough. 

Eeverting to trade unionism, women's position is w^eak. They 
look forw^ard to the marriage union rather than to trade unionism. 
One can hardly say why they should take this view in face of the 
vast numbers of adult women always in industrial employment. 
Perhaps they have never yet realised the greatness of this number, 
but still nurse the fond hope that female industrial employment 
ceases with marriage. But this is a delusion. Anyhow, if we 
take the latest returns concerning trade unionists issued by the 
Board of Trade, we shall see that at the end of 1913 there were 
3,993,769 members of trade unions. Of this number there were 
only 356,763 females. This was an increase from 129,084 in 
1904; so that, until quite recently, women in a sense were even 
not amenable to organisation. However, as the figures now stand, 
nearly three-quarters of them are females connected with textile 
trades, the textile membership being 258,732. A further look 
into the figures show^s us that even in the textile trades 212,534, or 
60 per cent., of the female trade unionists are employed in the 
cotton trade alone. Hence, of the total number of female trade 
unionists in the United Kingdom, amounting to 356,763, the 
cotton trade itself claims 212,534. Now this is significant; for 
in this centre of female trade unionism we get the best economic 
conditions and the most attention to labour considerations. If 
you will return to the tables I have given of women's wages 
you will perceive how far females in the cotton trade stand at the 
top. Their outstanding position is more pronounced to-day than 
it was at any period covered by my figures. Advances have been 
gained through trade union action. The wages of 16,000 ring 

445 



Womeji hi Industry. 

spinners, for instance, have been granted increases of recent date 
varying from Is. to 5s. per week. But another striking condition 
that accompanies the strong trade unionism of females in the cotton 
industry is that female cotton operatives are the only females 
employed in industrial occupations who are paid the same rates 
of wages as men are paid for the same class of work. Even in 
the sister woollen industry women do not enjoy this right. Hence, 
the remedy for women's wrongs through trade unionism is an 
effective one. 

It is, perhaps, not the proper place here to suggest that the 
finest remedy for the wrongs of women workers would be a 
universal system of co-operative capital and labour. But there is 
much to be said in its favour. We have gained some idea from 
the foregoing pages of how women workers are treated, for 
instance, in establishments outside the co-operative movement. 
Co-operation, of course, has not yet attained immeasurable heights 
in this respect. There are, in fact, still some local co-operative 
societies, controlled even by trade unionists, that are as laggard as 
some of the worst private employers of labour in their economic 
treatment of their female servants. They are not performing their 
duty neither to the cause nor to their generation. But let us turn 
to the Co-operative Wholesale Society, which we may regard as 
the largest co-operative trading concern in the world. We may 
obtain from the treatment of women workers under the C.W.S. 
an example of what can be achieved by sound democratic action 
and control. To some extent I must apologise for occupying space 
with details of wages in the Co-operative Wholesale movement, 
because it may seem to many readers like carrying coals to 
Newcastle. But I want to state the co-operative case briefly to 
form a contrast with examples of wages I have tabulated 
concerning women outside. And it is essential that we should 
remember that the fixed minimum scale of wages regarding 
female workers under the C.W.S. is, in many cases, paid to a 
class of workers wlio, outside the co-operative movement, are 
included among those who are rewarded with the most abominably 
low wages I have quoted in this article. These females are to 
be found in the shirt-making trade, in the manufactory of jam, 
confectionery, tobacco, &c. And so on. We must remember that 
in many occupations females' earnings do not average more than 
5s. to 7s. 6d. a week; yet for a similar class of work the C.W.S. 
apply their minimum scale. 

What is this minimum scale to which the C.W.S. have been 
bound by the body politic of the members who constitute their 
shareholders (mostly working men and women), and which must 
be paid to females employed in any capacity whatever? It is as 
follows : — 



Age .. 
Wage. 



14 

5/- 


15 16 

7/- 9/- 

446 


17 
11/- 


18 
13/- 


19 
15/- 


20 

17/- 



Women in Industry. 

The Co-operative Wholesale Society are large employers. The 
number of females employed at the various works and departments 
is 7,350. These comprise 3,830 day-workers and 3,520 piece- 
workers. Regarding the position of wages, the following 
summarised account has been supplied: — 

(a) Female Employes other than Piece-workers. 

The whole of these are now receiving wages at not less than 
the Congress minimum scale of wages. 

(b) Piece-workers. 

The "log list" is now fixed on such a basis as will enable at 
least 85 per cent, to earn not less than the scale rate mentioned. 

According to the last return prepared in connection with this 
matter, the number of females receiving wages in excess of the 
minimum scale rate was 2,950, the approximate amount being 
£18,000 per annum. 

It may be mentioned that the health and comfort of all the 
workers have had the first consideration, as will be seen from the 
following, viz. : — 

1. Good healthy workrooms. 

2. Trade union wages in every case where trade unions exist. 

3. Best wages in districts where no trade unions exist. 

4. Short hours of labour (5,400 females working forty-eight 

hours or less per week). 

5. Payment for time absent through sickness and holidays to 

those on fixed wages, and who are not paid for overtime. 

6. Overalls provided for females in certain packing departments. 

7. Commodious dining-rooms, with meals at reasonable prices. 

8. Facilities for recreation and entertainment. 

9. Annual picnic, with a grant for each employe attending. 
10. Thrift fund, which is generously subsidised by the society. 

Practically the wages and conditions that obtain in the English 
Co-operative Wholesale Society's works also obtain in the factories 
and workshops of the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society. 
It is quite true that many private employers are not unmindful of 
the provision of healthy conditions and good wages for their female 
employes. But, generally speaking, the circumstances of women in 
industry are not to be compared with those under the charge of the 
two great Co-operative Wholesale Societies. I will say no more 
about that here, except that I speak from a wide experience of 
women workers in the factories and workshops of the United 
Kingdom. 

My task of trying to indicate the numerical growth of women 
in industry, and the ignominious rewards granted to females for 
industrial service, must now be drawn to a conclusion. The 
numerical advance will continue. Low wages must be increased. 

447 



Women in Industry. 

Doubtlessly, with the numerical development, fresh domestic 
problems and new social sentiments will arise. New legislation 
will be enforced by the organisation of women workers in trade 
union and political objects. But no matter whatever be woman's 
advance in industrial or professional directions, she must be also 
the child-bearer of the race, if the race is to be perpetuated. So 
far as the advance of woman has proceeded in wage-earning 
occupations, no specific attempt has yet been made to combine on 
anything like ideal lines her industrial conditions with the 
necessities associated with her maternal functions. In many cases 
she works harder and longer hours than men, and is invariably 
paid much less in wages. But, just as bad social, economic, and 
industrial circumstances of young men tend to render them less 
efficient as fathers, or soldiers, so the depressing conditions of 
female workers make them less proficient as mothers or bearers of 
the nation's children. Society itself reaps the soiled fruit of its 
own sowing. Heretofore, women in industry have been the 
victims of gross injustice and selfish profit-seeking. Our object, 
however, should not be to banish them from occupational positions, 
but to improve their industrial conditions and make these more 
compatible with the requirements of healthy womanhood, strong 
motherhood, noble citizenship. Our policy should be freedom of 
choice for both sexes, with, such capital and labour conditions that 
would help to make that freedom a blessing rather than a danger 
to mankind. 




448 



Our National Wealth : The Conditions 
of its Continuance. 



BY L. G. CHIOZZA MONEY, M.P. 



I. Of the' Three Nations who Lead Industry. 

OUE British State has reached in the second decade of the 
twentieth century a point in its development and in its 
relation to the world at large at which it will be well for 
its future if those responsible for its governance take stock of the 
national undertaking and weigh carefully the conditions which 
have raised Britain to her present position and the measures which 
are necessary to secure the material future of the British people. 
It is my purpose here to trace, in broad outlines the circumstances 
which have made Britain what she is, and to show in their true 
perspective the factors which constitute our strength or our 
weakness. We shall be concerned with fundamental matters, 
some of which are within our control, while others, unfortunately, 
are quite beyond it. We shall see that, in one sense, it is as 
difficult for a nation to become wealthy by taking thought as for a 
man to add a cubit to his stature. Nevertheless, within the 
practical possibilities of human effort, we shall see that there is 
much that may be done and, indeed, much that must be done to 
safeguard the material welfare of the people of the British Isles 
and to fit them to remain the head and front of a great Empire. 

Let us begin by observing that it is by no means a matter of 
chance that the people of the world, regarded as a whole, are to 
be found collected together in great groups in certain areas. In 
ancient days the distribution of the world's population was largely 
conditioned by the difficulties of locomotion. In modern times 
the railway and the steamship, combined with a growing knowledge 
of the world's surface, have made it possible for the people of the 
most advanced races to settle in naturally rich areas. In our 
day millions of people transplant themselves in. the world in the 
course of a single year, and before the world is very much older 
claims will have been pegged out in all the world's choicest spots 
by enterprising emigrants. What is it, under these conditions, 
that decides the distribution of population in -the world? The 
answer is that there are two great factors. The first is Fertility, 
and the second is Power. The great areas of virgin soil in the 

HH 449 



Our Natioyial Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

New World draw upon the teeming agricultural populations of 
old countries, and we see some poor peasant from Galicia or 
Tuscany taking up a free grant of land on the Western Prairie. 
More potent still as a factor in attracting and hoJding population 
is a country's natural gifts in point of power. These, when a 
country is fortunate enough to possess them, afford the means of 
creating wealth in enormous quantities and to support at a high 
standard of comfort great and prosperous populations. The fact 
that three countries of the world — two of them, the United 
Kingdom and the German Empire, old civilisations, and one, the 
United States of America, a "new" country — lead the world in 
point of wealth production is due to their, possession in an 
extraordinary degree of the main source of the chief means of 
power production at present known to mankind, viz., Coal. By 
virtue of their magnificent coal-mines these three nations are able 
to manufacture upon a large scale under the most favourable 
conditions. Other nations are handicapped in competition by their 
inferior resources, and have, indeed, in respect of many great 
industries, no chance to compete on level terms with the three 
industrial leaders. 

To realise the extraordinary predominance in coal production 
of the three countries named, let us consider the world's coal 
output in 1912, the latest year for which we have particulars 
available for all countries. Here are the curious and significant 
facts of the case:- — 

THE world's coal PRODUCTION IN 1912. 

(The figures include the inferior brown coal known as lignite.) 

Tons. 

United States 477,000,000 

United Kingdom 260,000,000 

Germany 253,000,000 

990,000,000 
All the rest of the World 210.000,000 

All the World 1,200,000,000 

Nature, it will be seen, has been anything but impartial in her 
distribution of a most important world asset. With all the world 
producing, in 1912, 1,200,000,000 tons of coal, we see that 
America, Britain, and Germany produced between them 
990,000,000 tons, or over 82 per cent, of the whole. To put it 
more simply still, the three great coal nations produced between 
them more than eight out of every ten tons of coal produced in 
all the world. It is impossible to argue with facts like that; they 
are too hard to be resisted by the nations who have not the fortune 

450 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

to be great coal countries. In trades demanding the use of large 
quantities of cheap power it is impossible for France to contend 
with England, or for Holland or Italy to contend with Germany. 

II. The Rise of Britain as an Industrial Power. 

The rise of Britain to eminence in industry and trade was the 
result of the discovery by a few gifted men of the means to utilise 
<;oal power. It is indeed strange that for so many centuries coal 
had remained for practical purposes unused in these islands, and 
that not until the eighteenth century did anyone take sufficient 
thought upon the extraordinary heat-producing qualities of coal 
and the common and visible phenomenon of the boiling of water. 
The world had to wait so long for thoughtful men to consider 
these things that it might easily have had to w^ait a century or 
two longer. It is a curious thought that we ow^e to a few persons 
the facile printing of these w^ords by power machinery in 1914. 
When the very obvious powers of heat and steam at last thrust 
themselves upon the thinker, Britain was enabled to make use of 
the wealth which she had all along possessed during long centuries 
of poverty. 

We hardly realise to-day how short a remove separates us 
from the poor Britain with a stagnant population. The year 1750 
was only one hundred and sixty-five years ago, or, as nearly as 
possible, five generations — the days of our gi^andfathers' great- 
-grandfathers. In 1750 all England and Wales, which now 
contains over thirty-six million people, had a population of little 
more than six millions, while what is now the United Kingdom, 
with a population of about forty-six millions of people, contained 
about ten-and-a-half millions of people. And not only was the 
Britain of five generations ago poor in point of numbers; the 
almost stagnant population lived at a very low standard of life, 
and the main occupation of the people was a poor agriculture. 
Industries were few and unprogressive. A big iron industry was 
impossible, for we had no timber left with which to smelt iron, 
and the little iron produced in the world was naturally produced 
in the North of Europe, where there was plenty of good timber 
to make charcoal. We could in no better way illustrate the 
poverty of the world as a whole at that day, and the comparative 
poverty of Britain in that poor world, than by pointing out that 
in the middle of the eighteenth century the entire world produced 
about one hundred thousand tons of iron and that England 
contributed about fifteen thousand tons to that very poor total. 
Iron is man's chief tool, and when the world had very little ii'on 
it was necessarily poor. The chief English industry in the middle 
of the eighteenth century was the woollen trade, but it was a 
poor thing at the best, and the English manufacturers had to 
send their cloths to the Continent to be dyed and finished for lack 
of the knowledge and skill which existed elsewhere. 

451 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

When. coal was made to yield its power, and we discovered 
how to get it in great quantities and to use it to advantage, the 
currents of British endeavour were almost completely changed. 
In 1750 Abraham Darby discovered how to smelt iron with coal, 
and that fact changed Britain from one of the least of the iron 
countries to one of the greatest, giving her a lead in the iron 
manufacture which she was destined to hold for many years. In 
the same year James Watt began his wonderful work with the 
steam engine. When coal power was realised, and when plentiful 
quantities of iron came to be produced cheaply, invention was 
given a great impetus. The age of machinery was ushered in, 
and production by power began. Towards the end of the eighteenth 
century the factory system was established. The country which 
at the middle of the eighteenth century had had for several 
generations an almost stagnant population began to increase by 
leaps and bounds. Between 1700 and 1750 the population of 
England and Wales grew by no more than about 500,000 people; 
in the next fifty years the population increased by about 50 per 
cent., numbering about nine millions in 1801. We may regard 
the middle of the eighteenth century as a turning-point in British 
progress. Before that date Britain was an agricultural country 
largely exporting food and materials and importing manufactures. 
After that date Britain began to draw upon the world for materials 
to work with the great sources of power which she possessed in 
her coal-mines, and where before she had imported manufactures 
she began to export and to build up a great foreign trade in the 
products of her new coal-based industries. 

III. How Our Forty- six Million People Live. 

Production by power, which, as we have seen, began in the 
eighteenth century, made rapid progress in the nineteenth century. 
Whereas in 1801 the total population of the United Kingdom was 
15,500,000, one-half of that number having been added in the 
last fifty years of the eighteenth century, at the end of the 
nineteenth century the British Isles had a population of over 
forty-one millions, a figure which has now risen to over forty-six 
millions. The same isles, which so recently found it difficult to 
sustain a small population even upon terms of an almost universal 
poverty, are now the home of a population so great that it 
scarcely notices the sailing of hundreds of thousands of emigrants 
in a single year. It is very important that we should clearly 
understand the economy which sustains so great a population in 
so small an area. The conditions of our existence are exceedingly 
complex, and it is not difficult, therefore, for a man in our modern 
days to be a cog in the great machine without understanding either 
his own position or that of the great working machine of which 
he forms an insignificant part. 

452 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

The United Kingdom is naturally a poor country save in respect 
of the gifts of its people, its geographical position, and its 
extraordinarily good stores of mineral fuel. We may sum up 
our first-class material possessions in two words — Coal and 
Seaboard. If we consider the materials with which our work is 
done we realise how true is this broad generalisation. Whether 
we regard metals, or timber, or textile materials, or hides and 
skins, or such miscellaneous materials as rubber and asbestos, 
we find that our native supplies are either inferior or altogether 
lacking. As to native metals, only iron and tin are of any 
consequence ; of such important metals as copper, lead, and zinc 
we have negligible supplies. As to timber, it is our own fault 
that we have not good native supplies, and the nation vainly waits 
for an enterprising Government to establish the great State 
forests we ought to have. As to many materials, such as cotton, 
jute, rubber, &c., we are altogether dependent upon oversea 
supplies, while as to wool, hides, skins, and many other things, 
it is quite impossible for us to raise in these islands more than a 
small part of the enormous quantities required to maintain the 
manufacturing industries which are based upon them. Our 
natural poverty in industrial materials has to be atoned for by 
doing work to earn supplies of them from abroad. Hence our 
great export trade. We manufacture for the export market, and 
earn in exchange for the manufactured products we send out the 
foods and materials which we do not, or cannot, produce at home. 
As to food, be it observed, we raise at home about one-half of our 
consumption of the kinds of food which can be raised in our 
climate; the other half we earn by our export trade. 

But let the conditions of the successful conduct of this 
national economy be carefully observed. We are able to prosecute 
successful manufacturing because we have in our little Britain 
magnificent stores of fuel which in no case are situate more 
than about one hundred miles from the sea, and are often actually 
adjacent to tide water. Good coal thus situated means Cheap 
Power, and Cheap Power means the command of raw materials. 

A good coal-mine well situated acts upon industries like a 
magnet. Eaw materials are drawn to the coal, because near the 
coal they can be most successfully worked upon. Coal is so 
heavy and bulky that its carriage is a very costly matter, and it 
does not pay, in the general case, to take coal to materials as well 
as it pays to take materials to coal. It will be understood, 
therefore, what a peculiar advantage it is to a nation to possess 
such good coal as ours, and especially to have that coal not far 
from good ports, so that raw materials can be brought from any 
port of the world just to the place where they can be best used. 

Now we have the British economy in a nutshell. With 
cheap, well-situated coal as a base, large-scale manufacturing is 

453 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

successfully conducted chiefly upon foreign materials. With part 
of the manufactures produced the imports are paid for without 
which we could not exist in these islands as a great people. 

It should also be observed that British shipping, as well as 
British manufacturing industry, owes its present position to the 
coal asset. If we consider the kinds of goods we bring in, and 
compare them with the kinds of goods we send out, we see that 
the foods and raw materials which we have to import are bulky 
or heavy or both, whereas the goods we send out are chiefly 
manufactured articles, which, pound's worth for pound's worth, 
take up much less room in a ship than foods or raw materials. It 
follows, therefore, that, so far as our imports of food and materials 
on the one hand and our exports of manufactured goods on the 
other hand are concerned, we need many ships for our imports 
and fewer ships for our exports. That is awkward for shipping, 
because it means full cargoes inwards and many ships compelled 
to go out in ballast for lack of a cargo. Fortunately for British 
shipping, our coal redresses the balance, coal exports furnishing 
a heavy and bulky outward cargo, which compensates the 
shipowner. As coal exports have been increasingly needed with 
the growth of steamships to maintain coaling stations abroad, the 
coal export trade, by furnishing good outward cargoes, has helped 
to build up British shipping and make it profitable. 

It will be understood, then, how all-important to the United 
Kingdom is its coal supply, and if we desire to understand what 
the loss of coal would mean to Britain we have only to turn to 
those parts of the United Kingdom which lack coal, such as 
Ireland, or such English counties as Norfolk or Oxfordshire or 
Wiltshire. These coal-less parts of the country we find to be 
poor and with an inferior standard of wages. So true it is that 
m our modern days a district without a power supply is sorely 
handicapped in the production of wealth. 

Without the magic influence of our wonderful natural power 
stores it would be impossible for forty-six millions of people to 
live in these islands except upon conditions of great poverty. 
It is upon manufacturing and the commerce arising out of it that 
the majority of our people live, and if the secret of coal had not 
been discovered, or if our power supply had been as poor as that 
of France, there would not be twenty millions of people living 
in these islands at the present time. 

IV. The Eise of Foreign Competition. 

In the early years of British coal development we had things 
all our own way. As has been pointed out above, there are only 
two other white countries in the world which possess coal resources 
comparable with our own, but neither of these countries was in 

454 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Contintiance. 

a position to utilise their power in the early days when we began 
to smelt iron with coal and to use steam-driven machinery. 

The United States, of course, lacked population, and it was 
not until 1860 that the United States, which will soon have one 
hundred millions of people, had a population of thirty -one millions. 
Iron was not smelted with coal in the United States until 1840, 
or ninety years after Abraham Darby successfully performed the 
feat in England. The ultimate destiny of the United States was 
well understood by competent observers two generations ago. 
The American coal is infinitely superior to our own, or, indeed, 
to that of any other country in the world, and it was certain, 
therefore, that as soon as she had sufficient population she would 
be able to surpass us easily in production. That has proved to 
be the case, and at the present time America produces in a year 
about three times as much iron as is produced in the United 
Kingdom. America, however, has not become a great exporter 
of manufactures. There are two reasons for this. The first is 
that she has gained people so rapidly through the two factors 
which we have seen to be the determinants of population — fertility 
and power — that she has been engaged in building up within her 
own borders the material framework of a great new civiHsation. 
Most of the goods she has produced have been needed by her 
own rapidly multiplying people. She has herself many of the 
raw materials which we have to import. She is the greatest iron 
country, the greatest lead country, the greatest oil country, the 
greatest copper country in the world. She needs imports, but 
she has not the imperative need of Britain. Also, she has practised 
a restrictive commercial policy which has prevented her in obtaining 
a great hold upon foreign markets. She will, however, be a much 
greater competitor in the future. 

As to Germany, we have but to remind ourselves of her history 
to understand why it was that her gifted people were doing so 
little during the early period of British industrial development. 
While Britain, the island power, protected from invasion by her 
Navy, was undergoing the industrial revolution and busily building 
up industries and wealth to sustain a greatly increased population, 
Germany was not merely divided but was, during a long period 
of years, a theatre of war. Her people, under their many rulers, 
were often politically divided, and until quite recent years 
commercially divided by hostile tariffs, different systems of 
coinage and of weights and measures. It was not until the 
formation of the German Empire, under the leadership of the 
Prussian King as German Kaiser, that Germany, less than 
forty-five years ago, won the peaceful internal conditions w^hich 
enabled her to apply her great gifts to her fine resources. \Yhen 
at last she was free to devote her energies to the arts of peace, 
coal power soon did for Germany what at an earlier period it 

455 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

did for Britain. It built up fine industries which, backed by 
education and scientific research, have carried Germany with 
incredible swiftness to the position of the second export 
manufacturing country. 

Neither America nor Germany could have done so much 
without the aid of the natural resources which have been the 
secret of our own success in modern times. If we again turn to 
the remarkable figures as to the world's coal output given on a 
previous page, we understand that, while it needed intelligence 
and skill to develop natural resources, each of the three leading 
industrial nations owes its position to the great and peculiar 
advantage of a magnificent coal supply. By taking thought a 
nation can add to the physical well-being and to the culture of 
its people, but it cannot add a single ounce to its native stores of 
minerals. Skill and intelligence are needed to make the most of 
any country, but that cannot atone for lack of natural resources ; 
indeed, the recorded history of the world shows that where skill 
and intelligence are possessed by any race that race migrates in 
search of the best natural resources that it knows of in the world. 
The building up of a nation of nearly one hundred millions of 
people in the United States is a major illustration of the fact. 
The great American people is a heterogeneous collection of 
enterprising persons of all races (or the descendants of these) who 
have had the courage to leave their native lands in search of the 
virgin fertility and the power afforded by cheap fuel. Always in 
comparing nation with nation we ought to remember the profound 
principles of which I have spoken, and yet how often they are 
completely neglected. 

V. British Wealth as It Is. 

By reason of the economy we have considered in broad outline 
the great British population has accumulated capital roundly 
estimated to be worth about sixteen thousand milHon pounds 
(£16,000,000,000), and enjoys an annual income of not less than 
two thousand one hundred million pounds (£2,100,000,000). 
These figures appear enormous when thus written down on paper, 
but let it not be forgotten that they refer to over forty-six millions 
of people. 

Even the smallest affairs of a great people bulk largely in the 
aggregate, and we shall do well not to allow ourselves to be 
dazzled by hundreds or thousands of millions when we are 
considering tens of millions of people. It needs an enormous 
amount of food in the aggregate to supply even a starvation diet 
to forty-six millions of men, women, and children; it needs an 
enormous amount of capital in the aggregate to house them ever 
so poorly; it needs an enormous income in the aggregate merely 
to provide them with the barest comforts. If we want to view 

456 



Our National Wealth: the Conditions of its Continuance. 

the facts I have given in a proper perspective let us consider our 
national income of about £2,100,000,000 for what it is as the 
aggregate year's fund of these people for all purposes, i.e., for 
maintaining the central and local governments, for repairing and 
renewing old capital, for adding new capital, and for current 
consumption. When we divide £2,100,000,000 by forty-six 
million people, we see that it works out at about £45 per head, 
or about £225 per family of five persons. And that £225 average 
per family is not, as I have remarked, available for current 
consumption; it has to furnish national and civic needs, repair 
old capital, and supply new capital. Our national peace 
expenditure (less the Post Ofi&ce outgo which is not really 
expenditure) is now (1914), in round figures, £180,000,000, while 
local expenditure out of rates is about £80,000,000. If we suppose 
no more than £340,000,000 to be saved for capital purposes in 
a year we have £600,000,000 to deduct from the £2,100,000,000 
to arrive at the yearly sum available for personal expenditure, 
reducing the £2,100,000,000 to £1,500,000,000, or less than £33 
per head. That being the average per head, need we wonder, in 
view of the bad and inequitable distribution of what income there 
is, that there is so much poverty in our midst? 

As a matter of fact, the national income of £2,100,000,000 is 
so inequitably distributed that about one-half of it has to serve 
the needs of forty million people, while the other half is taken, 
approximately, by the remaining six million people. We may 
sum up the facts as to income by saying that the national income 
is surprisingly small in view of the powers of production conferred 
upon us by modern science and invention, and that what income 
there is is very badly distributed. 

Let us turn to the national capital, which we have said is 
approximately £16,000,000,000. Much of this (about one-fourth 
of the whole) is invested in British possessions and foreign 
countries, producing income for the well-to-do persons who own 
it. The remainder (about £12,000,000,000) represents the 
commercial valuation of British land, and all our farms, mines, 
quarries, railways, canals, tramways, docks, harbours, warehouses, 
offices, houses, shops, roads, sewers, lighting systems. Government 
buildings, stores, military and naval plant and material, telegraphs, 
telephones, &c. Apart from land value, we may perhaps put 
the British capital employed within the British Isles at somethi4g 
less than £10,000,000,000. What does that amount to for forty- 
six millions of people? To about £200 per head, or -to about 
£1,000 for each British family. 

Again we are struck, not with the magnitude, but with the 
paucity of the figure. It is astonishing that, after all these years 
of manufacturing by power and of producing wealth with tie aid 
of scientific apphances, the British capital employed at home for 
each British family, including every sort and kind of capital, 

457 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

should amount to no more than about £1,000. In these days it 
takes £1,000 to build thoroughly well a small comfortable house. 
What a flood of light this single consideration throws upon wealth 
as it is. How clearly it appears that we have not very much to 
be proud of in what we have so far accomplished. There ought 
to be far more capital employed in our country, and an enormous 
addition is needed merely for one purpose, and one purpose alone — 
the housing of our people in beautiful and comfortable dwellings. 

The ancient and proper meaning of wealth is well-being. If 
we rate British wealth in relation to that true and proper meaning, 
how much we have to deplore. Our cities are, for the most part, 
collections of ugly, uncomfortable, and crowded buildings, which 
rob their inmates of health, while they deprive them of the proper 
enjoyment of some of those things in life which are best worth 
having and which are not to be bought for any price whatever. 
If we walk in the streets of our great towns, and examine the 
contents of the shops, we realise that for the most part our 
manufacturing activities are directed to turning out knowingly 
rubbish for the consumption of persons who cannot afford to pay 
for well-made articles to which good material has been devoted. 
If we observe streets in their work-a-day aspect we realise that 
the majority of our people are ill-clad, and that no small proportion 
of them bear visible traces of physical deterioration. If we listen 
to the accents of the children we realise that an enormous 
proportion of them have not even been given the opportunity to 
learn to speak properly their own beautiful language. 

There is, of course, an intimate connection between wealth 
in the corrupted sense of material property and wealth in the true 
sense of well-being. But it is a curious fact that the blind pursuit 
of wealth regardless of well-being has its own punishment, not 
only in the loss of the latter, but even in the loss of the power to 
produce material things. It was the failure of Britain in the late 
eighteenth century and in the nineteenth century to understand 
this truth which gave us the physical deterioration of our day, 
and stultified wealth production so successfully that we have 
attained to no more than the poor product which we have examined. 
Because the pursuers of wealth in our manufacturing centres forgot 
that the lives they employed to produce goods were the true 
wealth of the nation, our cities arose in ugliness and'squalour, 
those who built and controlled them having no conception of the 
fact that they were sacrificing the chief form of property that 
mattered. There would have been no difficulty in building up 
beautiful and healthy cities instead of ugly and unhealthy ones, 
and if the proper course had been taken the beauty and healthiness 
would have reacted upon the mass of the people, and to-day the 
stature, the physical powers, and the aptitude for labour of the 
people would be enormously greater, and their output of material 
wealth enormously more than it is now. 

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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 
VI. The Comparative Failure of Production. 

If we relate production as it is to production as it was before 
manufacturing by power arose, then we get an exaggerated view 
of modern accomplishment. The world of 1750 had little or no 
iron to work with. When all the nations had between them a 
ridiculous 100,000 tons of iron with which to work, how could 
wealth production be expected? The conditions of to-day must 
be judged and weighed, not by comparing them with the days 
when modern science had not arisen; they must be judged in 
relation to the powers we possess. It is as idle to compare 
production now with production in 1750 as to excuse the poor 
product of an adult and healthy man by pointing out that it is 
very much greater than that of an infant. Our modern civilisation 
must be judged by reference to the magnificent equipment of gi'eat 
and fruitful ideas which have been placed at its disposal by its 
clever men. 

To-day the production of wealth by methods unprotected by 
patents and open to everyone to use has become a mere matter 
of simple routine. The production of material commodities of all 
kinds by clever machines and appliances is little more than child's 
play. "All can grow the flowers now, for all have got the seed." 
Why, then, are there not more flowers? What stands in the way 
of a full and adequate production of houses and furnishings, of 
clothes and boots, of instruments of sport and pleasure, of books 
and pictures — of the thousand and one things which go to the 
equipment of a cultured existence? That is the supremely 
important question which every intelligent person should ponder. 

If we inquire into the application of inventions it is not 
difficult to find an answer to the question that has been propounded. 
We find at every point that known processes and inventions are 
either partly applied or ill applied. We find that, although 
wood-working machinery has been brought to such beauty of 
perfection, it is quite an easy thing to construct sound and beautiful 
furniture cheaply. The greater part of the small amount of 
furniture actually produced is sheer rubbish, known to be rubbish 
by the people who make it. We find that, while weaving 
machinery is as wonderful and as perfect as wood -working 
machinery, a large proportion of looms in the woollen and worsted 
trades are deliberately and knowingly applied to the production of 
inferior and shoddy goods, one-eighth of the material used in the 
British woollen and worsted industries being shoddy. We find 
that, while the making of boots merely consists of the running of 
a number of clever machines to produce the various parts at an 
astonishingly rapid rate, it is only the minority of the people of 
our country who are supplied with decent footwear made out of 
good material. No matter at what point we examine production 
as it is, we find an astounding and deplorable contrast between, 
• 459 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continua7ice. 

on the one hand, what are beautiful and wonderfully clever and 
rapid and simple methods of production, and, on the other hand, 
a poor, attenuated, and rubbishy product. It is not the machines 
that are at fault; it is the misuse of the machines by commerce 
as it is. And can we be surprised that it is so ? How is production 
managed, controlled, ordered? How do people find themselves 
engaged in it at this • moment ? There is no proper control or 
organisation. The entire mass of output is the product of chance, 
qualified by the pursuit of individual gain. No one sets out to 
make clothes for the British people. No one embarks upon the 
enterprise of making boots for the British people. No one orders 
or directs these or any other similar functions. As to the masters, 
here or there some individual thinks he perceives an opening for 
gain, and follows that opening blindly with necessarily imperfect 
information. He has to proceed in competition with other persons 
no better informed than himself, and whose object is the same 
as his object, which is not to produce the best goods to serve the 
best purpose, but to make as much profit for himself individually 
as he possibly can. It is mere chance whether, at any given 
moment, an opportunity is taken up. The class which supplies 
more or less enterprising units of partial and imperfect command 
is notoriously badly educated in commercial and industrial method, 
the nation being content to leave such matters as much to chance 
as it leaves the ordering and control of the great ideas which might 
be its fairest and most fruitful inheritance. 

Or turn to the unit of industry, the humble private in the 
ranks. How does he enter the game? The answer is that he 
is not even dealt a single card. H6 sits at the table of Chance 
blindfold. He is trained to be at the mercy of the world into 
which he has to enter, as a rule, at thirteen years of age, when he 
is only just entering upon that period of physiological and 
psychological development which makes true education possible. 
Uninstructed and helpless, he passes out from the elementary 
school to enter humbly some industry or occupation. If he is a 
child in London or one of the many residential towns of our 
country his case is parlous indeed, for there are few real industries 
in them in which he can even be a useful cog. In such places 
we see him becoming not even a blind instrument in the use of 
splendid ideas, but a mere shopboy, or door opener, or billiard 
marker, or vanboy — a unit which may become at the best a shop 
assistant, or unskilled labourer, or lift attendant, or ticket puncher, 
or carman, or something of that kind, and which at the worst 
develops into a hanger-on, a loafer, a lounger at street corners. 
If, more happily, the child is born in a mining village, a cotton 
city, a pottery town, a hardware centre, a boot -town, then at 
thirteen years of age, or even at twelve as a half-timer, he 
naturally follows the footsteps of his father and passes into the 
local industry if there is room for him, with the glorious prospect 

460 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

of working in a single groove while he retains health and the 
power to work, and while employment is good. How do the great 
ideas and inventions appeal to him? What chance has he to 
take part in the direction or the use of the wonderful ideas, some 
little phases of which are commonplaces of his life ? What chance 
has a boy in a boot factory to think of boot-making as a wonderful 
art, and of how it might be exercised to make good boots for a 
big population? In the ordinary case the worker in the modern 
factory has work presented to him as a dull and deadening routine. 
Work which is so necessary, and which might be so noble, comes 
to be regarded not as a part of hfe, but as a subtraction from life. 
While a man works, that is not Life — that is something to be 
tolerated until the siren announces the moment of cessation. 
Whoever else is to blame, we cannot blame the unenlightened 
unit of industry for the poor products of labour in our time. The 
average working man is merely clay in the hands of the potter. 
He is given work to do, and he does it. It is not his to reason 
why. Let us imagine, if we can, what would become of the 
working man who asked intelligent questions as to what he was 
doing — as to either its propriety, its usefulness, or its timeliness. 
The average working man is lucky to get work, and he knows it. 
If he as much as dreamed of questioning the conduct of industry, 
or the quality of the materials given him, or the commercial 
methods of his firm, I shudder to think what would become of his 
wife and family. 

The remarkable records of the census of production, conducted 
in the year 1907, show clearly in detail tTie poverty of production 
which results from our poor use of science. The factory value of 
the entire produce of our mines, quarries, mills, factories, and 
workshops, apart from the value of the materials employed by 
them, is roundly £712,000,000. (The products are sold for much 
more, because of the fictitious values added by our wasteful and 
clumsy distributive system.) The census of production is nothing 
short of an indictment of competitive industry. 

VII. Thj:' Waste OF Labour. 

The tremendous fact which is brought out by the census of 
production is that of our working population a curiously small 
proportion is engaged in the direct production of material 
commodities. The misdirection of labour is so great that the work, 
not of thousands or of hundreds of thousands, but of milHons, 
is poured out in waste as though water were spilled upon sand. 

In the United Kingdom at this moment we have about twenty 
million men, women, boys, and girls who are engaged in what 
the census calls "occupations for gain." That is to say, they are 
either really or nominally earning their livings for remuneration 
large or small. How many of these twenty million persons are 

461 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

employed by our mines, quarries, mills, factories, and workshops? 
Here is the answer derived from (1) the compulsory census of 
production (1907), and (2) the voluntary census of agriculture 
conducted by the Board of Agriculture in 1908: — 

BRITISH PRODUCERS (DIRECT PRODUCERS OF MATERIAL COMMODITIES), 

1907-8. 

Persons employed in industry, and included in schedules 7,000,000 

Persons not included in schedules 1,000,000 

Persons employed in agriculture, including farmers 2,500,000 

Total 10,500,000 

We see therefore that, broadly speaking, only about one-half 
of those who work for gain in this country are engaged in making 
or producing things. It is a fact which is as astonishing as it is 
significant. 

Let it not be supposed that these producers are adults. As 
far as the seven million persons included in the first item of the 
above table are concerned, we are able to give an official analysis, 
and here it is : — 

UNITED KINGDOM INDUSTRIAL EMPLOYMENT, 1907. 

Wage-earners : 

Males, aged 18 years and upward 4,250,000 

Females, aged 18 years and upward 1,200,000 

Boys and Girls under 18 950,000 

Outworkers, chiefly Women 100,000 

6,500,000 
Salaried Persons 500,000 

Total 7,000,000 

It will be seen that, if we term a "man" a male person aged 
eighteen years and upwards, there were in 1907 only 4,250,000 
men wage-earners included in the seven million industrial workers. 
That means, of course, that the number of men aged twenty-one 
years and upwards was far short of four millions. The more this 
fact is pondered the more astonishing it appears. How many men 
are there aged twenty-one years and upwards in the United 
Kingdom at this hour? The answer is, in round figures, twelve 
millions. 

Therefore, out of twelve millions of grown men in this coU7itry 
there are less than four million employed in the direct production 
of either minerals or manufactures. 

Of course, we must not lose sight of the fact that distribution 
is necessary and important, and that we have not only to make 
goods, but to carry materials and goods on railways and to store 

462 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

them, and to sell them. Further, we have to remember that a 
certain number of men must necessarily be employed in teaching, in 
carrying letters, and so forth. Nevertheless, when every reasonable 
allowance is made for these things, it remains a thing most 
significant and remarkable that so few of our men should be 
engaged in actually making things. Think of the position. There 
are over forty-six million men, women, and children in this 
country. To produce minerals for all of them, and to make goods 
for all of them, employs less than four miUion grown men, aided, as 
the foregoing table shows, by a certain number of women, youths, 
boys, and girls. Can we wonder, then, that the production of 
material commodities is so inadequate? Is it surprising that the 
clever ideas and the clever machines produce so little? 

The fact is that, as science and invention have furnished us 
with industrial processes and machines capable of turning out goods 
with great facility, we have released a larger proportion of our 
population from real work. An army of people in our country 
at this moment is engaged in work that need not be done, so that 
the work that ought to be done remains unaccomplished. That is 
a true and broad generalisation which goes to the root of the 
problem of poverty in our midst. Let us see quite clearly, and 
not shirk the facts of the case. ^Ye have either to get a better 
production of wealth and a better distribution of the products of 
that production, or we must be content for an enormous proportion 
of our population to lack the commodities which we have the 
actual means to produce. 

It matters everything to a nation that its people should be not 
only employed, but well employed. Whether twenty million 
persons engaged in occupations for gain are doing well or doing ill 
depends upon the nature of the work they are doing. The fact of 
the matter is that instead of one-half of them being engaged in 
direct production, fully three-quarters of them, if not more, ought 
to be so engaged. That would mean that if we had fifteen million 
direct producers, and if, further, the work of those fifteen million 
direct producers was well organised and directed to produce things, 
then the production of material wealth in our country might easily 
be many times as great as it is now. Not only have we too 
few people engaged in production; the work of a considerable 
proportion even of these is wasted, for many of them are turning 
out stuff which had better not be made at all, while of those who 
are making useful goods a considerable proportion of their work 
is employed in connection with obsolete and inefficient machinery 
and plant. For my own part, I think it an understatement of 
facts to say that if the work of our twenty million persons nominally 
engaged in occupations were properly organised and directed to the 
best ends, aided by the best known processes and the finest 
machinery, the production of wealth in our country would be ten 

463 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

times as great as it is to-day. In short, the proper co-operative 
organisation of work would not only abolish poverty in its 
common sense, but give us such a degree of general comfort as is 
now not even possessed by what we call our well-to-do people. 
For what is it to be ** well-to-do"? Is a man rich when he 
cannot go abroad in his expensive motor car without having his 
senses assaulted by scenes of deplorable and sordid poverty and 
destitution ? Your alleged rich man of to-day cannot even go to 
a public railway station without witnessing scenes which, if he 
possesses sensibility at all, must deprive him of happiness. The 
approaches to most of our great railway termini are sordid in the 
extreme, and no money can buy for the richest man amongst us 
the avoidance of them. In the real sense there is not one well-to-do 
man in Britain to-day, for no one can avoid being part of, and 
partaker in, the general muddle. Within the private precincts of 
some great park a millionaire may for a time forget the world 
of which he is a unit, but he may not emerge from his estate 
without quickly coming into contact with the sorry scheme of 
things in which, while he is a favoured mortal, he must take his 
share of unnecessary disorder and pain. 

0/: :Let me by a; single illustration carry this conception a little 
further. . Take the matter of . our railway termini. So poverty- 
stricken in the real sense are our arrangements, so lacking in 
common-sense and. so wasteful of labour, that, whether we are 
nominally , rich . or nominally poor^ we . cannot journey from 
railway to railway in any of our towns without being really 
and actually impoverished through the waste of our time and 
convenience, which means' the Waste of precious moments of 
our lives. Whether the town be London or Manchester or 
Liverpool, if we desire to pass from terminus to terminus we find 
obstacles "placed in our way as though they had been calculated. 
Often hours have to be wasted through the gross stupidity of the 
disconnections. We are bundled out at one terminus with our 
luggage, and, if we can afford it, we are taken through the town 
in a usually dirty cab to the other terminus, to wait a longer or 
shorter time for a train connection which ought to have been 
arranged to fit, but is not so arranged. The rich man is as poor 
in this connection as the poorest man, save that he can hire the 
dirty cab, whereas the poor man must walk. Lest it be thought 
that I have exaggerated in this connection, let me quote what was 
said by the chairman of a great railway company on this very 
subject a few years ago. Speaking to the shareholders on 
December 20th, 1907, Lord Allerton said: — 

■ You can hardly conceive the disadvantages that exist by two unnecessary 
and separate train services, not always taking the shortest road, not always 
making connection at a particular junction so that trains may meetj and very 
oft-en making the arrangements such that they shall not meet. I know, as a 
matter of .fact, that this is the case. .. : . 

464 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

But let it not be thought that such dehberate manufacturing of 
poverty is confined to railways. On the contrary, our railways, 
clumsily as they are arranged, are shining examples of order as 
compared with the services we get in connection with business 
in general. At every point labour is misdirected and wasted 
through lack of co-operation and co-ordination. Workers are 
condemned to work hard in exhausting occupations, only to have 
their labour rendered fruitless by lack of co-operation. 

VIII. Co-operation and Conservation. 

We have seen that what wealth we enjoy in these our modern 
days has arisen chiefly through our exceptional possession of 
some of the best coal in the world. Our fuel forms an asset 
which gives us an exceptional advantage as compared with all but 
two of the other white nations. When one has such an exceptional 
advantage one can afford to do many foolish things and yet possess 
more wealth than those who have not great coal-mines beneath 
their feet. Let us not delude ourselves, however, into the belief 
that coal is an impregnable rock which will for ever avail us. 
I well remember not long ago being in a small Midland town 
which had lost a considerable part of its population. Why had 
the population diminished? Because the coal-mines there had 
reached the limit of paying output, and, as a consequence, miners 
had had to drift away to other places. Slowly but surely that 
will be the fate of mining village after mining village. Within 
fifty years, within the lifetime of many people now living, the 
cream of the magnificent coalfields of South Wales will have 
disappeared. Within one hundred years we shall be working coal 
very much dearer and more difficult to get than that which is now 
being produced from our mines. That will mean that it will be 
more and more costly to get coal, and that, consequently, the cost 
of production will rise. Some people think that it is a mere 
matter of how long the coal will last. The real point is that 
the cost of producing coal will rise greatly long before exhaustion 
is reached, and as the cost of production rises we shall lose more 
and more of our special advantage as compared with countries 
which have now little or no coal. 

And that is not all. The great feature of our time is the rapid 
scientific advance. Long before one hundred or even fifty years 
have passed coal may be rendered obsolete by the discovery of 
a great source of power. It is most improbable that that new 
source of power will be peculiarly advantageous to us as coal is 
peculiarly advantageous, and such a discovery, therefore, would 
mean probably level terms in industry and the destruction of the 
extraordinary advantage we now possess. 

The moral of the story is, therefore, that whether coal lasts 
for a long period or for a short period, we must regard it as a 

II 465 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

matter of profound importance to prepare our people and our 
institutions in the present for a time to come when we shall have 
to do without the special advantage we now enjoy. 

This duty of preparation would be incumbent upon us in 
any case, and if we could always rely upon our great asset it 
would surely still be necessary to make the most of it. As, 
however, we cannot help but know that our present position is 
transitory, it becomes, from a national point of view, a matter 
of the utmost importance to conserve that which we have and to 
train and prepare our people for the great economic changes 
which lie before them in what must be a not ver}^ remote future. 
We saw at the beginning of this article that our modern wealth 
is only about one hundred and fifty years old. The lapse of a 
similar period may see the end of that wealth, if we do not 
realise its basis, and do not comprehend and do our duty. Three 
centuries is but a breathing space in history, and if we desire to 
understand how it may come to be looked upon in the future, let 
us remind ourselves that Eoman rule in this country lasted for 
four centuries, and seems to us to-day but a brief page in the 
annals of these islands. 

Fortunately, the measures which are needed to conserve the 
national welfare indefinitely are precisely of the same order as 
are needed to increase our welfare in the immediate present. 
They may be summed up in the simplest words, by saying that 
as to our natural resources it is our duty to study, to control, 
and to conserve them, and that as to our people, it is our duty in 
respect of personnel to consent to a higher standard of culture, 
and in respect of industry to work co-operatively. Let us consider 
these things in their proper order. 

First, as to our national assets. We have seen that the 
United Kingdom has some natural advantages and many natural 
disadvantages. We cannot alter these things, but we can develop 
and improve what we have. If we consider what measures we 
have taken in this connection, and contrast them with what has 
been done in Germany, we cannot but feel ashamed of our 
conceptions of conservation. We live on small islands, which 
means that we have a big coastline in relation to area, and that it 
is a simple matter therefore to arrange a splendid system of internal 
communications by rail and by water. Possessing this advantage, 
we have allowed private individuals to deprive us of a large part 
of it. We have actually handed the care and control of our 
great highways to private bodies of shareholders, whose only 
desire is to make dividends out of us. As a consequence, our 
internal waterways are a disgrace, not only to our country but 
to Europe. They have been not only neglected, but deliberately 
strangled in the" interests of railway shareholders. As for the 
railways, we enjoy the highest railway fares and the highest railway 

466 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

rates in Europe, so that the country which invented railways gets 
less out of them than any other of the Western nations. You 
can travel in Germany, or Denmark, or Switzerland, or Belgium, 
or Norway in a comfortable carriage as good as our second class 
for about the EngHsh third-class fare, and, be it remembered, our 
tliird-class or "Parliamentary" fare was forced upon the railways 
(who declared that it would ruin them) only by the intervention 
of Parhament. 

As to freight rates, the value of our coal is lessened by the 
fact that it has to pay exorbitant charges if we desire to take it 
from place to place in our little country. The manufacturer finds 
himself handicapped at every point by excessive charges for the 
■carriage of materials from the ports and for the conveyance of 
his finished articles. 

When we turn to Germany we find a country which in this 
respect had great disadvantages as compared with our own. A 
glance at the position of Germany on the map reminds us that 
■she has a very small coastline. What has she done in face of this 
natural handicap? She has constructed a great national system 
of railways and magnificent waterways, spending scores of millions 
of pounds upon the latter alone. This dual system of transport 
is worked co-ordinately, one being used to help the other, as it 
ought to be used. Heavy goods such as minerals and timber are 
carried upon the great waterways of Germany at nominal rates, 
and the national railways are correspondingly relieved of such 
merchandise, and are therefore better able to perform their proper 
functions. Whereas in England the railways strangle the 
waterways in order to get as much traffic to carry themselves at 
•exorbitant prices, the German transport system, being national 
and patriotic in the best sense, seeks to make itself the instrument 
and not the taxer of trade. It is the German national railway 
•system which has enabled Germany to fight as well as she has a 
war on two frontiers. 

Or let us turn to another department of the national affairs. 
The British Isles have been almost completely denuded of trees. 
We have millions of acres suitable but neglected. Private capital 
does not stir itself, for trees grow slowly, and while nothing could 
"be more profitable in the long run than afforestation, nothing 
•could be less profitable for the individual entrepreneur. A Royal 
Commission has advised us to do what we ought to have done 
long ago without the prompting of a Royal Commission, viz., to 
lake the matter in hand on a national scale, and to provide timber 
for the future of our country. In vain is the appeal made to us. 
The years pass during which timber might be growing upon 
ten million acres, to be not only a great national asset in respect 
of an important raw material, but to be the foundation of many 
subsidiary industries. While we do nothing in this connection, 

467 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

Germany possesses magnificent national forests which are carefully 
conserved, and in which sylviculture has been raised to a science. 

As to coal, we cannot alter the fact that every ton taken from 
our mines means one ton less in the national coffers, but we can 
most, surely, recognising the vital importance of fuel, determine 
to survey, control, and conserve the resources we have. This, 
our main asset, ought to be guarded most jealously, and a 
permanent Power Commission should be established to study it 
continuously and to apply every known scientific resource to power 
production. 

I pass to the preparation of the national personnel for the 
great changes which will take place in this twentieth century. 

With ever-increasing rapidity modern industry is becoming 
scientific. In the early days of rapid British advance we made 
our wealth by rough and ready large scale work. The days are 
passing, however, when rough and ready, or rule of thumb, can 
avail a nation or its industries. Industry after industry is passing 
into the control of scientific managers. It is to be feared that this 
is not sufficiently realised by those responsible for the national 
welfare, and that it may not be realised soon enough to save us 
from industrial decline. The outbreak of the Great War found 
us short of many materials of industry made by the scientific 
Germans, and the Government hastily appointed a Committee to 
consider dyes and chemicals ! What a commentary ! 

It is a thing most notable that with one or two exceptions, 
such as the turbine of Parsons, the majority of modern inventions 
and improved industrial processes have arisen in foreign countries. 
Such things as motor cars and flying machines, artificial silk and 
indigo, the incandescent gas light and wireless telegraphy, ferro- 
concrete building construction and modern blast furnace practice, 
have come to us from foreign inventors. We have the humiliation 
of seeing the British Parliament passing a new Patent Law to 
compel foreign inventors to work their patents in this country — 
"a thing which was not needed in the early days of British industrial 
growth, when British inventors were placing all the world in their 
debt. 

There is no reason to suppose that British native qualities have 
diminished since the days of the great British inventions, and 
there is good reason to suppose that it is our neglect of education 
which is responsible for our poor output of the great ideas in 
recent years. The modern inventor is not a man who can 
conceive a great new idea while shaving himself in the morning. 
In nearly every line of effort there is now accumulated an enormous 
amount of accomplishment, and if, therefore, a new discovery is 
to be made, a man has first of all to learn what has already been 
accomplished. Take, for example, the colour industry, in which 
Germany has become so triumphant that she may be said to be 

468 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

the colouring agent of the modern world. It is not possible for a 
bright and untrained young man, however capacious his intellect, 
to improve upon what the Germans have done without learning 
what they have done, and that means that to qualify himself to 
make further advance in producing coal-tar colours he must 
become a skilled practical chemist. Then, and only then, has he 
the chance to become a new inventor in that particular line. And 
so it is with nearly every branch of human effort at this hour. 
We have not enough scientific students, and we cannot therefore 
expect to produce a good crop of inventions. 

And we must get rid of the conception that our people can be 
educated while we consent to education ceasing for the greater 
number of children at thirteen years of age. It was shown by 
the recent Departmental Committee appointed by the Board of 
Education to inquire into the numbers of children attending 
schools that, out of 4,084,000 children aged between ten and 
sixteen years, of all classes, only 2,113,000 were attending day 
school in 1906-7 ! That, be it observed, is to include the children 
of both rich and poor. If we take the working classes alone, it 
is true that the great majority of boys and girls finish training 
for ever at thirteen years of age — at the very time, that is, at 
which education, in the proper sense of the word, can begin. 
This means that, for practical purposes, we are leaving the 
national material untrained, and depriving it of its birthright. In 
a world which is ever growing more advanced, we are allowing 
the majority of the children to fall relatively behind. As the mass 
of acquired knowledge increases, relative ignorance increases. 
The average boy finds himself projected at thirteen years of age 
into an extraordinarily complex civilisation which it is not possible 
for him to understand, and he has forthwith to engage in work 
the meaning of which is never revealed to him. It is a process 
which cannot continue without bitter results for the nation in the 
time to come, that time in which it will need high qualifications 
if a nation is to hold its own. 

And with the better training of our personnel must run the 
better oi'ganisation of men in the work that they do. There is only 
one remedy, as I have indicated, for the misuse of men and 
inventions, and that is co-operative work in the national interest. 
The insane folly of competition is increasingly recognised, but, 
unfortunately, its recognition is being accompanied by combinations 
which are not truly co-operative in the public interest, but which 
merely represent the combination of separate producers in an 
attempt to extract profit from society at large. 

We see everywhere combinations of capital, of producers, and 
of distributors, which are concerned not with making the most 
of labour in the public interest, but with maintaining prices against 
the public interest. A number of capitalists producing a certain 

469 



Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. 

article combine themselves together with a big watered capital and 
form a monopoly, or quasi-monopoly, of the supply of an article. 
The actual economies resulting from the combination, instead of 
being distributed to the public, are creamed by the monopolists. 

Further, we get agreements between combinations, on the one 
hand of producers, and on the other hand of distributors, making 
price agreements against the public. Price-maintenance has. 
spread like wildfire through industry of late years, and it is now 
hardly possible to go into an ordinary shop without being charged 
artificial rates which are set up to preserve uneconomic interests. 

What is good in such combinations is the recognition of the 
virtue of common action. What is bad in such combinations is- 
the fact that they constitute co-operative movements, not to help 
the consumer and to assist therefore the production of wealth, 
but to wring artificial profits from the consumer and thereby to 
restrict the production of wealth. 

In this connection co-operation has the future in its own hands. 
In the field of distribution it can beat down the absurd wall that 
now stands between the producer-consumer and the consumer- 
producer. In the field of production it can eliminate all 
unnecessary costs, and, informed and inspired by scientific 
management, produce the greatest amount of material wealth with 
the least expenditure of labour. The form of such co-operation 
may be uncertain, but there is no element of uncertainty as to 
the goal. 




470 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 



BY H. M. RICHARDSON. 

NEAELY a hundi-ed years have now passed since England 
first recognised that the interests of a State demand the 
education of its people. In 1816 a committee of the House 
of Commons was appointed "to inquire into the state of education, 
chiefly in the neighbourhood of London." Despite Lord 
Melbourne, who questioned the advantage of general education 
as a means of promoting knowledge in the world, since people 
got on without it, the committee sat, and reported that the 
schools of the country were "poor manufactories, in which the 
formation of mind and character and mental and moral habits were 
grievously neglected." The committee added the dictum — then 
uttered for the first time with an authoritative voice — that the 
education of the people was a matter in which the State had a 
vital concern. It was not. however, until 1833 that the 
Government first manifested any practical sympathy with that 
view. In this year the Treasury made a grant of £20,000 towards 
the erection of school-houses. This was continued up to 1839, 
when the sum was increased by £10,000. Its interest in this 
matter of vital concern was still timid and tentative. In 1851 
grants were given in aid of evening schools. But a Eoyal 
Commission on Education had to be appointed in 1 858 before the 
State, by the epoch-marking Act of 1870, took up the task 
of making itself responsible for teaching the children of the 
conrnaunity the elements of learning. From that time onwards 
development and elaboration have been rapid. 

Six years later education was made compulsory, and fourteen 
years after that free. In 1902 Mr. Balfour's Act co-ordinated 
the elementary education given hitherto in Board and voluntary 
schools, and placed provided and non-provided schools of the 
various stages of development under the same controlling bodies : 
the county or borough councils. 

From the inception of the idea that the State cannot stand by 
and see its people brought up in ilhteracy and ignorance, the feet 
of progress have not loitered. But there are those who are still 
dissatisfied. Some are calling for the raising of the school age, 
already raised twice since 1870. Others are demanding that when 
a youth has left school he shall be compelled to attend continuation 
classes. This latter demand, with which I am chiefly concerned, 
is duphcate. It comes from the more self-sacrificing of the poor 

471 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

who desire to see their sons cHmbing the social ladder. It comes 
also from many employers of labour, who hold that superior 
education implies superior workmen, and, therefore, more efficient 
and cheaper production of wealth. 

Already some employers of labour insist that youths in their 
employ shall attend evening continuation classes, especially such 
classes as are concerned with the particular branch of science or 
mechanics that is an essential factor in the student's daily labour. 
A few employers feel so keenly the desirability of taking advantage 
of the facilities that they pay their young men to attend classes. 
From all quarters comes the cry, "Educate, educate, educate!" 
It is difficult to get anyone to oppose the further extension or 
intensification of education. The workpeople of Lancashire may 
protest against the abolition of the half-timer. But they do so 
not from any dislike of education as such, but because they have 
a natural if, in the ultimate, an ill-grounded dread that to keep 
children out of the mills and factories until they are fourteen 
would mean a diminution of the family income for two years, or 
rather a postponement for that period of the increment accruing 
from children's labour. But the question arises as to whether, 
apart from the practical difficulties (with which I shall deal later), 
it is desirable to extend the field of education, to spread the net 
of knowledge so wide that all boys and girls shall continue to be 
taught in schools until they are sixteen, seventeen, or eighteen 
years of age, while working part time at a trade. This, I think, 
is a question which certainly ought to be discussed with an open 
mind by co-operators, who stand somewhat apart from the main 
stream of tendencies, motives, and ideals. 

THE CO-OPERATIVE IDEAL. 

As I have already said, the plea for compulsory technical or 
continuation education rests on two hypotheses : (1) the idea of 
the poor that superior education is the lever which may raise them, 
not collectively but piecemeal or individually, into positions of 
comparative affluence; and (2) the idea of the captains of 
competitive industrialism, (competitive internally or internationally) 
that by training youth in the technology of trades at the public 
expense production will become both cheaper and more rapid. 

If I am correct in thus stating the inspirational motives of the 
demand for more compulsory education, it is self-evident that 
co-operators should withhold their support from any such proposal 
at least until they have decided whether these aims — the elevation 
of aome of the poor and the general speeding-up of production 
through the greater personal efficiency of the workers — are in 
themselves desirable. And I do not think that co-operators who 
hold to the fundamentals of their faith can come to an affirmative 
conclusion in either case. So far from this being so, the 

472 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

co-operative movement. I need scarcely say, has done much for 
an education of a very different order. It has been and is devoted 
to "the formation of co-operative character and opinions by 
teaching the history, theory, and principles of the movement, with 
economics and industrial and constitutional history in so far as 
they have bearing on co-operation; and . . . the training of 
men and women to take part in industrial and social reforms and 
civic life generally." 

It is evident, I think, that co-operators who adhere to this 
ideal of education must view with suspicion, if not downright 
disfavom', any endeavour to fasten on the youth of the country 
an education so opposed as would be the teaching of the purely 
individualistic and utilitarian concept of progress and society. For 
it is obvious that youth's capacity for learning is limited. A 
young man cannot labour eight or nine hours a day in a mill, 
mine, or workshop, then give an hour or two to applied mechanics, 
chemistry, commercial arithmetic, magnetism and electricity, or 
suchlike subjects, and yet be able to find time for the more liberal 
education connoted by the co-operative formula. 

It may be, however, that there are "practical-minded" 
co-operators who, while attaching considerable importance to the 
first principles and theory of their movement, would be wilHng. 
for the sake of an immediate gain to the nation in happiness and 
prosperity, to forego the propagation of co-operative ideals. 
Accepting the common view that the happiness of a people is 
commensurate with the prosperity of their nation (as indicated 
by Board of Trade returns of imports and exports), and assuming, 
moreover, that the prosperity of a nation is dependent upon the 
industrial skill of her working class at least as much as upon the 
organising genius of the captains of industry, such a co-operator 
might hail compulsory continuation or technical education as a 
meliorist thing to be sanctioned, even though it retarded the coming 
of the co-operative commonwealth. That is a point of view not to 
be lightly dismissed. It is, however, one from which the practical 
mind may be moved, perhaps, by a contemplation of facts that, 
while they have no place in the individualistic philosophy, ought 
not to be overlooked by those of us who are striving to weave a 
finer fabric of life and civilisation. 

CONSIDER GERMANY ! 

Compulsory technical and continuation education have long 
been essential factors in German life and industry. "The view 
that technical training following upon a good general education 
has become indispensable to the industrial and commercial success 
of a nation commands the unreserved assent of the German 
people, " writes Professor M. E. Sadler, in his invaluable 
comparative history. Continuation Education in England and 

473 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

Elsewhere. In nearly the whole of the twenty-five states that 
constitute the German Empire, such education is obligatory either 
by State law or local bye-laws. By the Imperial industrial law 
of 1891, employers of labour are compelled to grant to their 
apprentices or other workers (including all male persons and 
female clerks and female apprentices) who are under eighteen 
years of age the necessary time for such attendance as is required 
by the local authority of the district. Generations before this, 
however, the need for such training had been recognised. In 
1869, under the terms of the regulation of industry, employers 
were obliged to allow their workmen under eighteen to attend 
continuation schools, and such workmen were compelled to attend. 
Everything in Germany favoured such education manifesting 
itself at its perfect pitch so far as it can in the orbit of capitahsm. 
The people were accustomed to discipline, and they had the 
studious bent. And it must be admitted that, so far as the material 
prosperity of the Empire is concerned, the time, money, and 
talent spent on inculcating a taste for research and a scientific 
knowledge of the ways and means of industry have been 
magnificently justified. No great country has advanced industrially 
more rapidly than Germany. Nowhere else in the old world have 
the complexities of commerce been so simplified or the mechanisms 
of production so highly organised. The output per head of the 
population has increased amazingly, and, during the last forty 
years, Germany, from being a congeries of small states, has 
become a great, powerful, and prosperous Empire. It may be 
said that the war of 1870-1 was the direct cause of Germany's 
rise. But it can be said with equal truth that the French were 
defeated very largely because they were opposed by a race superior 
in education and discipline. It was indeed recognition of what 
education had done for the race in endowing it with the 
potentialities of military triumph that helped to enamour the 
German people of continuation schools. But, although I must 
admit the Fatherland's industrial greatness, when measured either 
by the per capita products of her people or by the total wealth, 
I submit that it is impossible to demonstrate any commensurate 
increase of material or spiritual happiness to the working classes. 
Eeaders of this Annual will scarcely need reminding that the 
proletariat of Germany is no better off than that of Great Britain. 
Mr. J. F. Mills, in his contribution to the Annual for 1914, threw 
the searchlight of a peculiarly penetrative mind on the food problem 
of Germany, and the conclusion to which all must come who 
accept the data he had collected from authentic sources is 
that, despite the benefits of national compulsory elementary, 
continuation, and technical education, the German people, so far 
as material comfort goes, are rather worse off than we. This 
conclusion is supported by our Board of Trade comparative 
statistics, which show that the German artisan works longer for 

474 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

less pay than the English artisan, and that the cost of living is 
higher there than here. Berlin, probably the most highly 
organised and, in certain ways, the most efficiently managed 
municipality in the world, has an infantile death-rate that would 
make even a Lancashire mill town blush. Wages during the last 
thirty years — the period of the greatest expansion of industry — 
have not risen in proportion to the rise in the cost of living, 
whether we take the prices of commodities or rent. And sucb 
increases in wages as have been won can be traced in Germany, 
as in England, to industrial co-operation among workmen rather 
than to any other cause. They have been wrung from reluctant 
capitalism by the weapons common to trade unionism, both in 
highly educated and very uneducated communities. 

education's sole virtue! 

The most that can fairly be argued on behalf of education 
from the view-point of the economist is that, generally speaking, 
the more highly people are educated the higher becomes the 
minimum standard of living which will satisfy them. So far as- 
the teachers and the books have fanned the flame of discontent 
with existing things and aspiration towards better living, and 
thereby driven workers to organise themselves for the amelioration 
of their common lot, education from the proletarian point of 
view has been justified. But in no other way. That it has 
enabled here and there one to rise out of his class, to become a 
manager or an official where otherwise he would have been a 
labourer, or through bursaries and scholarships to graduate into 
the professional ranks instead of remaining a weekly wage-earner, 
is undeniable. But, as off-setting this advantage, it can be argued 
with at least a perturbing plausibility that on the whole education, 
and more particularly technical and continuation education, not 
inspired by the co-operative ideal, has done a disservice to the 
workers as a class. It has been a ladder upon which many of 
the most talented of the offspring of the toilers have mounted to the 
middle class, and consequently have been lost as leaders of their 
own kind in its never-ceasing struggle — never ceasing, however 
subterranean it may sometimes be — for betterment. Young men 
who, by their individual effort, have surmounted the barriers 
of poverty and humble birth and become holders of positions 
of responsibility and handsome remuneration, naturally enough 
shed or supress their youthful passion for social justice. It is 
difficult for them to retain belief in the fundamental wrongness 
of the individualistic competitive system which has placed them, 
as the reward of their own merit, where they are! It is, indeed, 
permissible to suggest that had there been no compulsory education 
the working classes might have been further advanced towards the 
co-operative commonwealth than they now are. For this reason : 
that then only the men of character and talent would have become 

475 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

literate, and being literate they would have led. But where all 
are literate in some degree by Act of Parliament, not by their 
own volition, the task of picking leaders becomes a problem, and, 
as the present system can offer larger prizes than can the causes 
of the future, it follows that many of the gifted sons of the lowly 
are lifted into the dominant or the professional class before they 
have had time fully to realise the wrongs of their own. This means 
that potential powers of organisation and inspiration are diverted 
from the army of labour to buttress the fort of capitalism. 

WHAT TEACHERS LEARNED. 

Still on this question of whether education or knowledge is in 
itself a sufficient lever for lifting humanity to better things, I would 
•call attention to a significant and, in my opinion, conclusive piece 
of evidence in support of my negative contention. The elementary 
teachers of the nation are notoriously ill-paid. They are entrusted 
with a work of wondrous delicacy of almost incomparable 
importance, for it may be said that the teachers of to-day bear 
on their shoulders the nation of to-morrow. Anyone ignorant 
of the facts would think that these men and women who mould 
the mind of the race at its most malleable age would be socially 
honoured and well paid. This, however, is not so. And — this 
is the point which I wish to emphasise — when the teachers, 
growing conscious of the injustice done to them, determine to 
improve their lot, they do not attempt to do so by learning how 
to teach better, but by organising themselves into a trade union, 
and using exactly the same weapon that unskilled labourers and 
dockers, or engineers and other skilled artisans, take up when 
they become conscious of intolerable oppression. The successful 
strike of the Herefordshire elementary teachers for increased 
salaries a few months ago was negatively a notable demonstration 
of the fallacy that the way to Utopia, the ultimate aim of all 
sincere reformers, is through the doorway of the schools. If 
education cannot override the economic laws of supply and 
demand in the case of its practitioners, what hope can it hold out 
by doing so to its pupils? 

THE WAR INTERVENES. 

So much of this article had 1 written when the great war 
burst upon us. I am continuing it amid the turmoil of a tottering 
civilisation, not knowing, so obscure is the future, whether it 
will ever be finished or published. But whatever happens as the 
result of the European conflict, it is, I think, quite evident that 
I should be wasting my own and my readers' time were I to 
resume this contribution without taking account of the modifications 
that must necessarily be made in any preconception of what the 
article was to be. 

476 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

I had intended. to follow up my case for the consideration of 
the economic and democratic merits or demerits of continuation 
education with a comparison of what has been done in the various 
countries of the old and new worlds. After that I should have 
approached the question of compulsory continuation education from 
the point of view of practical politics. In this section I should 
have shown that, whether the theory of compulsion is sound or 
unsound, there are so many obstacles in the way of applying 
compulsion that an enormous extension and re-valuation of the 
educational machinery would be necessary. In July, 1914, the 
moment immediately preceding the war, there was little possilDility 
of inaugurating obligatory continuation education. And for this- 
reason : there was not in the country a sufficient number of teachers- 
properly to teach even such youths, young men and women as 
attended continuation schools either of their own choice or at the- 
behest of the few employers who made such attendance a condition 
of their employment. The classes in the technical schools and 
the continuation schools were much too large. It is one thing 
for an elementary teacher armed with powers of inflicting corporal 
punishment to maintain discipline among a class of fifty boys or 
girls. It is quite another thing for the same teacher, after his 
trying daily duty, to keep in order even thirty -five youths, some of 
whom wish to learn, w'hile others are in school simply because their 
employer insists upon their presence. My inquiries among evening 
class teachers convince me that compulsory continuation education 
for the community at large would be very costly and immensely 
wasteful. It would entail an enormous expansion of the army of 
teachers; and, unless such education was to be perfunctor\' and 
inadequate, the standard of learning among teachers, if not the 
standard of teaching, would have to be raised. And these two 
conditions could be fulfilled only by raising the economic status of 
the teaching class. The mental equipment for teaching in its 
higher branches is such that the possessor of it has other and 
fairer avenues of social advancement open to him. And it is not 
surprising that so many young men who have qualified themselves 
to teach abandon the pedagogic profession for business or the 
Bar, either of which offers chances of larger rewards. Most of 
those who remain faithful to their first love have a true vocation 
for it, and bitter are their complaints that they cannot do their 
best by reason of the understafQng of schools or, in other words, 
the overcrowding of classes. Eeally conscientious w^ork is 
necessarily a rarity. A continuation schoolmaster has to choose 
between two evils. Either he must neglect the thorough education 
of some of his scholars in the interests of the discipline of all the 
scholars, or he has to neglect the discipline of some (that is, he 
must secretly countenance the inattention of some so long as 
they are quiet) in the interests of the education of those pupils 
who are keen to absorb knowledge. With a class of not more 

477 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

than twenty he could both maintain disciphne and instil 
instruction. But a class of over thirty means a class in which the 
clever and keen will be taught and the dull or indifferent neglected. 
Is it worth while to spend hundreds of thousands a year to 
develop continuation or technical education along compulsory lines, 
which would inevitably mean the multiplicity of the dull and 
indifferent scholars out of all proportion to the keen and interested ? 

INSTEAD OF APPRENTICESHIP. 

There was another point .which to my mind was of the 
highest importance. The theory of the advocates of compulsory 
continuation and technical education is that boys can be saved by 
a course of technical study from the penalties incidental to the 
indiscretion of entering a blind-alley occupation. At the present 
time the boys who in Manchester, on leaving the elementary school, 
become "nippers" (assistants to lurry drivers) tend to drift into 
the most casual labour, or else they finally enlist in the Army. 
"Make them learn a trade," say the educationists, "and when 
they have done with boyhood and want to be earning a man's 
wage they will be equipped with the necessary knowledge." I 
do not think it necessary to offer many reasons in support of my 
contention that this is a fallacy. It may be true that each of 
Napoleon's privates carried a field-marshal's baton in his knapsack. 
If so, it is fairly obvious that the huge majority of the privates 
pawned their batons for bread and butter. It may be true that 
technical training would make everyone competent to do skilled 
work. It is unfortunately equally true that there is not normally 
enough skilled work for all to do. On the contrary, there is always 
a residue of skilled men out of work. Trade unions, recognising 
this fact, deliberately try to limit the number of apprentices who 
shall be taught a trade. They fear a flooding of the market, 
because they know that the greater the surplus of labour the 
smaller is the market value of the labourer. Now, compulsory 
technical education would be tantamount to apprenticeship. 
Indeed, it is largely because of the decay of the apprenticeship 
system that compulsory continuation education is suggested. If 
all were compelled to learn a skilled trade it is obvious, assuming 
the economic perception of trade union leaders to be accurate, that 
we should soon have so large a margin of unemployed skilled men 
that the market would be glutted, and the wages of the skilled 
artisan would be depressed almost, if not quite, to the level of 
subsistence of an unskilled labourer. On this point Mr. Charles 
Towers, in Germayiy of To-day, says: "That this system (technical 
education) produces a scientific class of workmen is, of course, 
fully proved, and scientific workmen make for rapid national 
progress. But it is at least a matter of dispute whether the 
individual profits by the system." As I have already suggested, it 
is arguable that the main tendency of training in the technology 

478 



The Problem of Contiyiuation Education. 

of trades is to bring about those very results which trade unions 
declare to be the consequence of allowing employers to take on 
as many apprentices as they can acconmiodate. If this is so it 
must be obvious that the policy is not one to which intelhgent 
trade unionists will give their support. It is, indeed, less defensible 
from their point of view to give State aid to a compulsory system 
that leads indirectly to the depression of wages than to permit of 
the restoration of the apprenticeship system. For this reason : that 
the apprentice is paid to learn his trade, whereas the conscript 
pupil of a compulsory class would obtain his training at the 
expense of a public which would ultimately be impoverished by 
that very system. Nor is that the only danger to be discovered 
in the proposal. 

THE VICIOUS CIRCLE. 

The symptoms of another evil arising from technical education 
are already apparent, and this evil would be intensified with the 
more general spread of such knowledge. I refer to the introduction 
of the automatic machine. Perhaps the highest manifestation of 
the thinking machine is the automatic calculator, which enables 
schoolgirls to perform feats of mental dexterity that until a few 
years ago could be achieved only by skilled clerks. The automatic 
calculator, in the hands of a sixth standard child, can estimate, 
count, subtract, and work out involved sums in commercial 
arithmetic more rapidly and more accurately than could a 
chartered accountant. The automatic calculator may be taken as 
a symbol of the commercial and industrial world. Capitalism is 
constantly readjusting itself so that its profits shall not fall below 
a certain level. To safeguard itself it must do many things. 
Within the limits laid down by trade unionism it speeds up men 
until they are producing the last ounce of which they are physically 
capable. If the men demand higher wages and win them, 
machinery — much of which is the fruit of technical training — is 
introduced which enables production to be increased at a smaller 
cost. Should the men then determine to win for themselves some 
of the advantages that accrue from these improvements in methods 
of manufacture, capitalism calls to its aid women and juvenile 
labour. During the last few years the number of machines 
invented to do skilled work, without capitalism employing skilled 
workers or paying wages sufficient to meet the cost of a family's 
living, has been the most amazing development in connection 
with industr\^ Some time ago I investigated the methods of 
manufacture of nearly every material and article in common use. 
and wherever I went I saw automatic machines that, with no 
more skilful attention than a youth or girl can give, were doing 
work that twenty years ago was done by craftsmen and artisans. 
There is no need to describe the innumerable mechanical devices 
that have enabled boys and girls, without any apprenticeship, to 

479 



• The Prohlem of Continuation Education. 

make articles which their fathers could manufacture only after 
f^erving many years in acquiring a knowledge of the tools and the 
material. Knowledge of such inventions is general among all 
people who earn their daily bread in field, factory, or engineering 
shop. They know, too, how such inventions have displaced adult 
labour for juvenile labour, and men for women, and the skill of 
communities by the skill of the individual inventor. Whether in 
the long run all this ingenuity which manifests itself in the 
invention of labour-saving machinery proves a boon to humanity 
is a point not yet settled. The immediate matter of concern is 
that it saves labour, which means (for capitalism thinks in terms 
of money, not of human happiness) that the amount of wealth 
absorbed in wages is diminished without any compensation to 
labour in its other role of consumer. Indeed, since the automatic 
machine became the factor in production that it now is, the cost 
of commodities has risen by about 30 per cent., while wages have 
shown only a very slight upward tendency. Cost-of -labour-saving 
machinery (to give it its true designation) has made the rich richer 
and the poor poorer. And I do not think that anyone will venture 
to suggest that the force of invention has spent itself, that to the 
hundred and one things which can be done to-day by machinery 
that were once done by man there will not be added all the other 
functions of manufacture. We are, indeed, but on the threshold 
of the automatic age. It is not difficult to envisage the day when 
man, apart from the perfunctory pressing of a button, will have 
no work to do. 

If this seems to be a digression from the subject of this paper 
I would suggest to the reader that it would be a waste of national 
wealth and human energy to build up a great edifice of compulsory 
education for the purpose of teaching youths to do work which, 
the moment the}^ demand a wage that threatens profits, would be 
done by raw boys and girls with automatic machinery's artful aid. 
The pupils of the working class who would benefit from such 
education would be those to whom knowledge was a spur to 
their inventive faculty. These would be few in number, no doubt, 
but they would be sufficient to give an enormous impetus to the 
automatic apparatus. The few young men of exceptional ability 
would succeed in making names and, perhaps, fortunes. But 
the price would be the decay of communal skill, the cheapening of 
labour, and the deterioration of the race. 

For these reasons — which I may recapitulate by saying that 
while technical education has added to the wealth of nations it 
has not added to the wealth of the workers, and, inferentially, 
can never do so — I suggest that co-operators should be suspicious 
of any movement towards fastening compulsory technical education 
on the people. 

But it must not be assumed that because one is opposed to 
compulsory education under present conditions one is necessarily 

480 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

opposed to either continuation or technical education in all or any 
circumstances and conditions. On the contrary, it is quite evident 
that if such education can add to the prosperity of a nation or to 
the profits of capitalism it can be made an instrument for human 
happiness, culture, and comfort. Whether it will be so used or 
not depends upon the intelligence with which *'the common 
people" can grasp the lessons of the immediate past — the past 
which, as we now see, has been a period of the amassing of great 
wealth in a few hands and the amassing of huge armaments, the 
bitter fruits of technical education, which have been used to tear 
the fabric of civilisation, of which we believed education was the 
chiefest attribute! 

WHAT WILL BECOME OF US ? 

Here I call again upon the example of Germany, for Germany 
is the example of extremes both of the value and the vice of a 
system which produces automatic machines fed by human 
automatons. The various states of the German Empire 
have insisted upon all young men becoming scientific ally - 
trained workers, just as they have insisted on all young men 
becoming scientifically-trained soldiers. But they have consented, 
constitutionally, to leave within the sole wisdom of the War 
L*ord the decision as to whether the whole agglomeration of wealthy 
the product of milhons of men over many years, shall be destroyed 
in a few weeks or months of devastating war. It seems plain that 
there has been something wrong with the intelligence of the 
German people. They have learned to do every thmg except to 
control their own national destiny. And this flaw, common in a 
lesser degree in other highly-civilised countries, has been due to 
the devotion to education in material things without regard to the 
human purpose for which such material things should be used. 
How the German democracy will emerge from the holocaust that is 
now destroying the manhood of Europe none can say. My 
concern is with the democracy of Great Britain. What shall 
we become in this crucible of conflict? What we shall become 
depends on what we determine to do in the future in regard to 
the education of the rising generation. Are we to resume and 
intensify the system that has culminated in this monstrous 
debacle of sanity and progress ? After the period of impoverishment 
are we again to enter upon a period of unorganised production, 
accelerated by all the devices of technology, in the interests not 
of the nation but of the favoured few, so that cur children will 
see, as we have seen, wealth increasing by leaps and bounds in 
the lap of the possessors, while the wealth producers go in want, 
and then the whole edifice come tumbling about their ears at the 
word of command of secret statesmen? It is a question for 
democracy to determine. It is a question in the settlement of 
which the co-operative movement may mean much. 

KK 481 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

We want an educated democracy ; and by educated I mean 
not merely or mainly that the democracy shall possess the narrow 
if important learning which enables men to make automatic 
machines, to build bridges, lay rails, forge bolts and guns, or 
build ships. I mean the education which enables people individually 
to taste to the full the fruits of art and literature, and collectively 
so to control matters that there shall be neither lack for the 
industrious nor luxury for the idle. 

THE TRUE EDUCATION. 

"It is only by a liberal education that we learn to feel respect 
for the past or to take an interest in the future," said Hazlitt. 
**The entire object of true education," declared Kuskin, "is to 
make people not merely do the right things, but enjoy the right 
things; not merely industrious, but to love industry; not merely 
learned, but to love knowledge ; not merely pure, but to love 
purity; not merely just, but to hunger and thirst after justice." 

Hitherto an education such as that has been the privilege 
of the few people of wealth or of quite exceptional ability and 
application. The education which has been doled out to the 
poor has been either strictly utilitarian or else futile. The 
rudiments of learning they have been compelled to master; but 
beyond that what has been given to them to make them hunger 
after justice, to feel respect for the past, or to take an interest 
in the future? Very little. Advocates of compulsory continuation 
education may argue that it is because they recognise the 
shortcomings of the past that they desire amendment in the future. 
It would be ungracious to deny their goodwill. But knowing what 
education is in the present elementary and continuation schools, 
one is entitled to doubt whether compulsory continuation education 
would not be merely an extension of the elementary education which 
in no way meets Euskin's demands. In plain words, would not any 
system of continuation education under the present social regime 
be directed towards inculcating a respect for that regime ? Of 
course, I do not suggest that youths would be taught positively 
that things are now as they were in the beginning, and ever will 
be. But I do assert that by the exclusion of true teaching from 
the schools the pupils would waste much time in gaining false 
ideas about life. For instance, they would be taught the history 
of their own land according to the romantic historians. They 
would not be taught to interpret history by the light of economists. 
Glorified Mrs. Markhams would preside over the feast of historical 
dates, while Thorold Rogers would remain in the dusty library for 
such attention as might be given to him by stragglers from the 
main army of scholars. Again, the virtue of thrift would be 
inculcated by means of saving banks, but the elements of political 
economy, knowledge of which would suffice to put many young 

m 



The Problem of Continuation 'Education. 

people oh the path to co-operative ideals, would be withheld. 
Indeed> I venture to think that ordinary State education is subtly 
antagonistic to the ideals for which the co-operative movement 
stands. The co-operative movement is great and growing. But 
its best friends cannot blink the fact that many people are attracted 
to it in the first instance by purely individualist self-interest rather 
than by any consciousness of the nobility and naturalness of mutual 
aid. And this, I think, is due to the circumstance that hitherto the 
trend of education in early youth has been away from idealism and 
towards individualism and utilitarianism. How much nobler and 
wiser the world might have been had our governors begun in 
1870 to educate the young in "the formation of co-operative 
character and opinions by teaching the history, theory, and 
principles of the movement, with economics and industrial 
and constitutional history in so far as they have bearing on 
co-operation!" But it was too much to expect that the people in 
authority would thus undermine their positions of power. It is 
too much to expect that of their own choice they will ever do so. 
If democracy is to be free from the fetters of competitive or 
monopolistic industrialism democracy must attend to the matter 
itself. It is because this proposition is to my mind irrefutable that 
I would appeal to the co-operative movement to use still more 
of its energy in diverting education from stereotyped and 
conventional concepts to finer usages. 

FIVE POINTS FOR REFORMERS. 

And I would lay down several essential factors in raising human 
life from the low level to which it has now sunk to a height it 
has not attained since the gradual breakdown of the mediaeval 
guilds, which were truly co-operative in spirit: — 

1. I do not think there can be a doubt that the school-leaving 
age should be raised to sixteen, and the half-time system abolished. 
Up to the age of twelve the average child is merely being prepared 
for education. Its mind is capable of learning by rote, but its 
powers of comprehension are so small that even were education 
all that Hazlitt or Buskin desired the pupil would be unable to 
take an intelligent interest in the future or to acquire any passion 
for social justice. The normal boy, indeed, does not acquire a 
love of knowledge until he reaches his fourteenth year. At that 
age all except the dullest begin, if given the opportunity, to take 
an interest in literature, learning, and the affairs of current life. 
That opportunity is now denied to all except the children of the 
comfortable classes, or the talented children of the working class 
blessed with parents who are willing to make great sacrifices for 
their future welfare. The consequence is that we have a proletariat 
which, on the whole, can read (and mainly reads rubbish), write 
(but seldom exercises its power of expression), and do sums 

483 



The Problem of C'ontinutition Education. 

siifficiently well to work out racing odds or count its weekly wage4 
It knows little or nothing about the history of itself, about 
economics, art, or literature. Consequently, we have a rising 
generation which feeds on "comics" and "bloods," for which it 
■pays out of scanty pocket money, while all the time there is the 
free library offering it the best and truest that genius has given to 
the world. ' 

2. Having raised the age from, fourteen to sixteen, the 
curriculum for the extra two years should be drawn up with k 
view to giving the young a yearning towards fine ideals of society. 
The object should be the formation of character rather than the 
training of mind. It is more important that people should live 
rightly than do arithmetic correctly, especially now that machines 
are "learning" to do our sums with an awful accuracy. And 
right living is the result of right thinking, and that, except in the 
case of the rare people gifted with intuition, is to be' achieved only 
by an interested study of the great masters, and by working 
from a basic belief in the virtue of mutual aid, the sanctity of 
justice, the organic nature of society, and the interdependence 
and brotherhood of man. So I would suggest that the two years 
of extra schooling should be devoted to the humanities, economics, 
literature, biology, logic, and such other subjects as would enable 
the youth on leaving school at sixteen to take an intelligent interest 
in the affairs of his town, city, or country, whether he was to be 
a labourer, an artisan, a clerk, or ^ professional man. For if a 
democracy has intelhgence aU other things worth having will be 
added. unto. it. . . 

3. During school life no attempt should be made to teaok 
lads specific trades. The most that an employer of labour ought to 
demand from the community is that the young people whom he 
engages shall be, intelligent. If in addition to intelligence he gets 
skilled juvenile workers he will not pay them a man's wage. He 
will pay a boy's wage for a man's work — and will dispense with 
his men. 

4. If employers desire that their youths shall study the 
technology of their particular industry they should be compelled 
to allow the youths to attend technical schools in the daytime, 
and either pay for such education or else pay wages to the youths 
for learning the trade. For, as I hope I have proved, such training 
is directly in the interests of the employers, and only very 
remotely, if at all, in that of the employed. 

5. Coirtinuation education should remain non-obligatory. If 
the school age of children were raised to sixteen, and the two last 
years were given up to such a liberal curriculum as I have sketched, 
the probability is that a great number of children on leaving the 
primary school would wish to continue their studies in the evening 
school, assuming that the education there given dealt sincerely 

484 



» 



The Problem of Continuation Education, 

with the large and absorbing problems that ate apt to perturb the 
minds of intelligent adolescents. The intellectual attainments of 
teachers in these schools would need to be higher than those of 
many of our present-day elementary teachers, although observation 
drives me to the conclusion that much of our teaching is perfunctory 
and unsatisfactoiy because the teachers are tied down to curricula 
over which they have no control. Some time ago a teacher was 
condemned for talking to her class about a matter of importance 
not in the curriculum. Many teachers are firm believers in the 
desirability of the co-operative commonwealth. They are not 
permitted, however, to mould the minds of their pupils along these 
Knes. They must teach every subject amenable to class or party or 
economic colouring according to the colour of the dominant class, 
and this they do, not by a direct glorification of the existent state, 
but by silence on the possibility of alternative states. So it happens 
that boys can pass through the sixth standard in utter ignorance 
of the diverse theories of society held by the adult world. I am 
not, however, suggesting that State servants should teach the 
young what they ought to think about individualism, co-operation, 
socialism, or syndicalism. I do suggest that before the age of 
sixteen every boy should have had the principles of these divergent 
economic creeds explained to him from authoritative text-books 
and without bias on the part of the teacher. Fifty-seven years 
have elapsed since Buckle, in his history of Civilisation in England, 
wrote: "Political economy has been raised to a science, and by it 
much light has been thrown on the causes of that unequal 
distribution of wealth which is the most fertile source of social 
disturbance." Is it not time, I ask, that young people should be 
compelled to take some interest in this science, a knowledge of 
which is necessary to any rational criticism or reconstruction of 
society ? 

In suggesting these lines of chang3 I am conscious of 
propounding a policy quite alien to the policy of the past and 
present. But to my mind the present State education is both 
anachronistic and paradoxical. Compulsory education is itself an 
experiment in or phase of collectivism or compulsory co-operation, 
and therefore essentially opposed to laissez-faire. Nevertheless, 
such colouring as can be given to the subjects taught harmonises 
not with the architecture of the State education edifice itself, but 
with the, so far as education is concerned, obsolete doctrines of 
the philosophical radicalism of the middle of the nineteenth 
century. Nor is it only by neglect to awaken the young intelligence 
to possible alternatives to the present social system that the school 
curricula support the existent state. They do so by direct practice. 
In various centres schools of domestic cookery have been 
established, and wherever this has been done the pupils are taught 
as though it were an accepted principle that they are marked out 
to be poor men's wives. The writer of one of the papers in 

485 



The Problem of Coniinuation Education. 

Continuation Schools in England and Elsewhere, discussirig the 
sort of training that should be given to girls in public secondary- 
schools, says : "In mathematics . . . the keeping of accounts 
and the calculation of interest, the measurement of areas and 
working to scale in garment cutting, the calculation of dietaries 
and of prices— these seem to.be all that is necessary." Not a 
word, it will be noted, about the nature of interest, although the 
writer was a member of the Fabian Society ! Again this writer, 
describing the "living-room" which she suggests should be set 
up in each school for training in home life and domesticity, says : 
"Cheap oilcloth, such as would doubtless be selected for the 
floor, would contrast with the good linoleum now supplied to some 
rooms in the schools." These passages are illustrative of the 
tendency to adapt children to tlieir environment, to make them if 
not content with, at least tolerant of, their position in life — the 
toleration that people extend to inevitabilities. That this is the 
true end of education I do not hesitate to doubt. It must indeed 
be obvious that change of environment is what we really need, and 
this will be brought about only by the application of trained 
intelligence to the task of getting the most and best out of life. 
To teach children, youths, and adolescents with one hand to become 
experts in the production of wealth, and with the other hand how 
to make the best of their poverty, is an education which the 
co-operative movement should endeavour to destroy, for not by its 
means can we approximate to any semblance of the perfect state. 

A CO-OPERATIVE GRIEVANCE. 

It may be argued that we must take things as we find them ; 
that the task of teaching deeply — by which I mean delving below 
the surface and discovering root causes — is too difficult when 
the pupils are not adults; that, in any event, economics and social 
ethics are controversial matters, the introduction of which into 
the schools would arouse a storm even greater than that which 
has not yet spent itself around the question of religious teaching. 
To the latter of these objections I would reply that if co-operative 
economics are true the co-operators who are now contributing 
through rates and taxes for the upkeep of the elementary, 
secondary, and continuation schools are suffering, however 
unconsciously, just such an injustice as that Nonconformists 
declare they suffer under the Act of 1902. I mean that their 
children are being taught in an "atmosphere" permeated with the 
principles of the individualism which is the negation of co-operation. 
From an educational system, for which its founders claim that 
it fits young people for life, economics cannot be banished. 
Actively or passively it must be taught. If the subject is never 
mentioned, then, so far as school life has any influence on the 
mind of the next generation of adults, that mind will be biassed 

486 



b 



I 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

in favour of the economic system which obtained in childhood. 
So it happens that the thinking working-class young man who 
left school at thirteen or fourteen never knows anything about 
political economy until a chance word at a street-corner meeting 
arrests his interest and leads to a more or less haphazard and 
unscientific study of the most important factor of human life. 

If in the foregoing I have seemed to lay too much stress on 
the need for supplanting science, technical training, and the other 
items of the customary curriculum by a less utilitarian education 
— an education directed towards the formation of social ideals as 
to which as yet the great bulk of the people are either indifferent 
or ignorant — my apology must be that I am writing at a moment 
when European civilisation is being visibly destroyed. What 
springs from its ashes will depend entirely upon the wisdom of 
the various democracies. The war may mean a relapse into a 
state more miserable than that induced by the Napoleonic wars. 
It may mean a release and a leap forward towards a simpler 
society based upon co-operation instead of competition. If, 
during the last forty years, the boys and girls of the proletariat 
had received an education such as I advocate and have endeavoured 
to outline, there would be little fear for the future, no matter 
how menacing this moment may be. The reconstruction of this 
shattered society would then "have been planned with foresight, 
sagacity and knowledge, not in the interests of the few who make 
wars while escaping the worst of war's consequences, but in the 
interests of the millions who, because of the false teachings, the 
evasions and suppressions of the schools, are led blindfolded to 
the front, there to fall in quarrels of which they are ignorant, 
waged for rewards w^hich they may not hope to share. 

THE ONLY WAY. 

Indeed, had the nations been so educated, this awful 
catastrophe could scarcely have happened. For the peoples do 
not want war and would not suffer it had they the power to prevent 
its commission. That power can come only with a knowledge of 
many things that hitherto have been forbidden or withheld from 
them in their youth. 

A few years ago Sir Oliver Lodge gave it as his opinion that 
the nation which first fed its children would in the course of two 
generations be the greatest nation in the world. We have begun 
to feed our children, mainly because of one irresistible reason: 
that money spent on teaching ill-nourished boys was money wasted. 
The reform was an item in the popular campaign for efficiency. 
I have no quarrel with it. On the contrary, the improved physical 
and mental attributes of the child of to-day, compared with the child 
of ten years ago, are so marked that all fair-minded and competent 

487- 



The Problem of Continuation Education. 

observers must come to the conclusion arrived at by Miss M. E. 
B.ulkley that, "so long as economic conditions remain as they are, 
the provision of school meals is a necessity," I find it difficult, 
nevertheless, to accept Sir Oliver Lodge's optimistic prophecy. 
Nations do not live by bread alone. Humanity in its groping 
towards perfection does not crawl army -like upon its stomach; 
its marches or marks time to the tune set by humanity's mind. 
The nation which first teaches its democracy to think, to 
know itself, its history, its conflicting potentialities, the why 
and wherefore of social disturbances — that nation, in the course 
of a few generations, will be, if not the greatest, the happiest in 
the world. The economic conditions which necessitate the bread 
of charity being given to hundreds of thousands of the children of 
the workers cannot long survive the acquisition by those children 
of the knowledge of the origin and cause of those conditions. 
They know the consequences too well. 




488 



Some Ancient Civilisations 
and their Lessons. 



BY BEDFORD POLLARD. 



Neither does strength depend on extent of territory any more than upon 
number of population. The strength is in the men, and in their unity and 
virtue. A little group of wise hearts is better than a wilderness of fools. Ncd 
government is ultimately strong but in proportion to its kindness and justice. — t. 
Ruskin. 

THE word civilisation is often on our lips, and few probably 
realise how its meaning lias become distorted. To compare 
or contrast civilised powers to-day means usually to estimate 
their relative military strength. The whole scope of the word 
"civil" renders it distinct from "military." Civil and military are 
two opposing aspects of national life, and the dictionary defines 
civil as "not military," It is well that we should keep the true 
meaning of the word clearly in mind in using it in its ordinary 
sense. A civilised nation is one that studies the arts of peace, 
education, and commerce. Militarism is the bar sinister across its 
fair scutcheon. Unhappily for the human race, the bar sinister has 
almost always been attached. The element of barbarism has never 
been eliminated. 

In primitive civilisations it is impossible to conceive how 
national prosperity could have been built and maintained without 
military support. But the ideal state to which each nation in 
some degree aspires will not be so constituted. There can scarcely 
be a more adequate delineation of the ideal state than as given 
by Eobert Owen: "The only solid foundation of public liberty is 
to be found in the full supply of the wants, in the virtuous 
habits, in the intelligence and consequent happiness of the whole 
population" ; and militarism must always stand in the way of this. 
And yet, impossible as the non-military state might have once 
been, the tremendous truth of the words "All they that take the 
sword shall perish with the sword" may be observed. As Norman 
Angell has well said : — 

If during long periods a nation gives itself up to war, trade languishes, 
the population loses the habit of steady industry, government and administration 
become corrupt, abuse escapes punishment. . , . Was it mere hazards of 
war which gave to Great Britain the domination of India and half the new 
world? That is surely a superficial reading of history. It was rather that the 
methods and processes of Spain, Portugal, and France were military, while 
those of the Anglo-Saxon were commercial and peaceful. . . . One was a 
process of conquest, the other of colonising. . . . How may we sum up 

489 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

the whole case, keeping in mind every empire that ever existed . . .? In 
all and every one of them we may see the same process, which is this : If it 
remains military it decays; if it prospers and takes its share of the work of 
the world it ceases to be military. There is no other reading of history. 

The problem touches us closely to-day. That "war begat 
the noble and war begat the slave" the history of bygone 
civilisations amply proves; and present-day conditions still attest 
the truth of Eousseau's words: " L'homme est ne lihre et partout 
il est dans les fers." 

PKIMITIVE MAN. 

Whatever ideas we may entertain as to primitive man and the 
Darwinian Theory, we must naturally narrow down the origin 
of the human race to some kind of starting point. The presence 
of man in hitherto undiscovered lands might seem to indicate several 
distinct geneses; but a consensus of various sciences comes to our 
aid, and proves at least the improbability of this. As in vegetable 
life, so in human, a common origin is often deduced. The new 
world, discovered, perchance, by hardy Norsemen, and, later, by 
Columbus, isolated from the old by vast oceans, was not always so 
severed. Across the Atlantic bed lies a submerged land extending 
to Guiana in South America. The same applies, and with more 
weight, to the Pacific. Between the coast of Asia and x\merica a 
long volcanic chain lies broken. 

Thus geology points to possibilities, comparative anatomy — the 
study of skulls — affords some guidance, comparative philology and 
religions add to the sum of evidence. That interesting civilisation 
discovered by the Spaniards in Mexico bore traces of Asiatic 
origin. There were traditions of immigration from the north. 
Mongolian speech seemed traceable in the language. The Red 
Indian and. Esquimaux had a MongoHan ancestry. 

Of ancient Europe science has strange stories to tell. The 
greater part of it was in darkness for ages, because it was not in 
touch with Asia. Iron and gold were first used in the East, and 
the Celtic metal worker's skill came through the Greeks. The 
alphabets in use to-day date back to Phoenicia, nineteen centuries 
before Christ, and their invention may have been based on Minoan 
script and Hittite pictographs of long before. Modern excavations 
by patient enthusiasts have lifted the veil that overhung the epochs 
of many kingdoms of antiquity, and the amazing stories that belong 
to the. East have been revealed. 

Not only do the splendours of ancient cities astonish, but the 
inscriptions tell how, underlying all the vanished greatness, was 
bloodshed and slavery. 

The history of humanity is mainly the history of labour, and at first all 
labour was slavery . . . The record of the great social experiments of 
the past is chiefly a record of injustice and sufisring. It is also a record of 
the disappearance of states in which those experiments were made.* 

* W. Romaine.Paterson, The Nemesis of Nations. 

490 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

The production of wealth was proportionate to the number df 
slaves. The expansions and debacles of ancient powers were due 
to the inequalities within states and inequalities between states. 

In the evolution of manhood, from the time when first the 
biped stood erect, lived on fruit or berries, formulated speech, 
learned his simple lessons from beast and bird, and hunted with 
precarious weapons for a living, to the discovery of sowing 
and reaping and providing for the future, long periods must have 
passed. 

When we reflect that the original basis of human intelligence 
and sentiment was the instinct of lower animals, we need not be 
surprised when the palaeontologist speaks of man occupying this 
world millions of years ago. 

Before he rose to an intelligence in which the faculties were 
articulate enough to enter the realm of art, to draw, to inscribe, 
to invent, man was buried in a vast nebulous period in which a 
thousand years were as one day. Skulls and stone weapons and 
rude drawings on cave walls can only be dated by the geologist 
in the study of deposits. 

At least we may be sure that the first wit-sharpener was 
hunger. A fertile spot well watered would tempt man from his 
wanderings. He would gather flocks and herds around him, 
become a breeder, learn to use the wool of his sheep and the milk 
of his kine. Slowly the unfledged spirit of inventiveness w^ould 
guide in the building of habitations — hut, house, palace, temple. 
The trading instinct w^ould appear. The caravan by degrees would 
come to bring an interchange of wares between tribe and tribe. 
Then from beyond the mountains jealous eyes, unused to peaceful 
industry, or, it may be, crowded out of other settlements, would 
view these developments, and warlike hordes w^ould pour down, 
kill, and appropriate. 

. . . Industry in some. 

To improve and cultivate their just demesne, 

Made others covet what they saw so fair. 

Thus war began on earth : these fought for spoil, 

And those in self-defence. 

And thus fortifications and weapons of war were evolved. 

BABYLONIA. 

The hub of the ancient world, the centre of human activity, 
was Mesopotamia. It was in this land that the earliest legends 
of the race were born. Here, somewhere, was located the mythical 
Garden of Eden, Here fell the Deluge; and here, on Shinar's 
Plain, arose the Tower of Babel. Those scrappy passages found 
in the Old Testament pages have done little more than stn* up 
unsatisfied curiosity over races of men with whom the children of 
Israel clashed. What legend and parchment could not supply, 
the picture stories and cuneiform inscriptions on rock walls and 

491 



Some Ancient' Givilisations and their Lessons. 

clay tablets, or on vase decorations, have yielded. Plainefr than 
in human speech they have told to men of the 20tb century a.d. 
the deeds and manners and customs of Sumerians, Assyrians,- 
Chaldeans, Hittites, and Egyptians in those far-off times. 

The civilisation of Babylon dates back into undiscoverable ages. 
As far away as 6500 b.c. the towns of Nippur and Eridu, north 
and east of the Persian Gulf, were outlets for Babylonian products. 
The Sumerian inhabitants, like the HittiteB, were a yellow, 
beardless, Mongol race, and their chief city of Babylon was, 
situated in the fertile plain of Mesopotamia, stretching between the 
lower Tigris and Euphrates, and extending to the Caspian Sea 
and the Delta on the Persian Gulf. 

In some respects as in the Nile Valley, Babylon was subject 
to periodic overflowings when melting snows from the mountains 
swelled the rivers. One abnormal occasion was the Flood of 
Hebrew history, the story of which must have been derived from 
Babylonish sources. 

Eacial affinities did not prevent continuous wars in those days. 
To some extent they fostered them. The invasion of the Semites 
from Arabia took place over long periods of time dating back to 
4000 B.C. Establishing themselves in different cities, they gradually 
became identified with various localities as separate nationalities — 
Syrians, Phoenicians, Chaldeans, Assyrians, Midianites, Hebrews, 
&c. Pre-eminently, Assyria and Chaldea were jealous rivals. For 
many centuries Babylon was the centre of commerce, ''the brain 
of the East." The diplomatic language of the then civilised world 
was Babylonish. Through Babylon caravans travelled from the 
Mediterranean to India, leaving raw materials and carrying to 
Persian bazaars the artistic work of this wondeiful state, with other 
wares from the West. Its close connection with ancient Israel 
is seen in many directions. Abraham came from Babylonia — Ur 
of the Chaldees. The name, Sinai was associated with the 
Babylonish moon god, and Nebo, where Moses died, was the name 
of the Babylonish Mercury. The Law" of Moses was full of the 
Babylonian Regulations. 

Babylonian men of science first studied the stars, distinguished 
stars from planets, foretold eclipses, made magnifying glasses, 
observed the satellites of Saturn, developed a system of 
mathematics, invented sundials, and measured time by system. 

Although these ancient nations were but tribes, the city of 
Babylon must have held a vast population. Province it might be 
called, covering, it is said, five times the extent of modern London. 

The splendours of many ancient cities have often been told. 
Their ruins still astonish the world. The remains of temples and 
palaces of Thebes and Memphis in Egypt are among the attractions 
of the Nile tourist. The great Cathedral of Notre Dame, in Paris, 
could have been placed inside the Theban temple of Karnak. The 
palaces of Susa (Shushan), in the Persian province of Elam, in 

492 



Some Ancietit Civilisations and their Lessons, 

northern Asia Minor, were adorned with panels of cedar and gold, 
and mighty columns upheld the buildings. The gardens were so 
extensive that deer might be hunted for days without leaving the 
enclosure. •- 

Of Nineveh we read in the curious Book of Jonah. Modern 
excavations have brought to light the splendour of its palaces, its 
sculptures and monuments. But all are dwarfed by the greatness 
of Babylon. 

About 2500 B.C. the throne of Babylon was occupied by. a 
monarch named Hammurabi. Quite recently what is called the 
code of Hammurabi was discovered, giving the laws of the 
land. This monarch called himself the righteous king, "one born 
to deliver the weak from oppression"; but a large portion of the 
code is framed in the interests of a class — the protection of 
.property. Apart from this, there are some admirable regulations. 
'^The rights of aliens are safeguarded, the relations between 
principal and agent are made clear, the responsibilities of merchants 
and bankers, the duties and obligations of husbands and wives are 
ordained."* If a highwayman' succeeded in escaping from justice 
the man who had been robbed had to state on oath what he ha(J 
lost, and the city or district governor in whose territory the robbery 
had. taken place was bound to restore to him its value. Married 
women enjoyed some privileges and a good deal of independence. 

A distinct industrial status had been found for unmarried women in large 
co-operative societies under religious sanction "with vows of celibacy and strict 
attention to business. Unlike mediaeval nuns, however, members of these 
orders were free mistresses of their time and labour; they lived where they 
would and worked at what they liked, insured by their membership.! 

Let US picture for a moment this Babylon as it appeared in 
the later period, 604 B.C., when Nebuchadnezzar, "the King 
Mason," brought it to a pitch of unprecedented splendour. 
Herodotus, Xenophon, and Strabo have all told of this immense 
garden city. According to the former, Babylon was built four 
square. Each outer wall was fourteen miles in length. Meadows, 
orchards, cornfields, and pleasure grounds extended between the 
streets. The great temple of Bel (or Baal) was a quarter of a 
mile in length and in breadth. The building, in the form of a 
quadrangular pyramid, was more than six hundred feet high. - So 
enormous was this structure that when Alexander thought to 
rebuild it from its ruins he employed 10,000 men for two months 
merely in clearing away the debris. 

The famous hanging gardens were constructed, it was said, 
by Nebuchadnezzar to gratify the whim of his Elamite queen, 
who complained about the monotonous level of the Babylonian 
plain. The gardens were built up in the form of terraces, one 
above the other, and in appearance resembled a section of a vast 

* The yemesis of Nations. 

f J. L. Myres, M.A., The Dawn of History. 

493 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

amphitheatre. Each terrace was supported by a vaulted gallery'; 
and twenty walls, each twenty-two feet wide, supported the whole. 
On the highest terrace of all a pumping apparatus was fixed for 
drawing water from the river which flowed through the city. 
So high did the gardens rise that they appeared from a distance 
like a forest on the top of a mountain. 

The walls of the city astonished all who first beheld them— 
seventy-five to one hundred feet high, and broad enough to allow 
two chariots to pass. Twenty-five brazen gates faced each way — 
one hundred in all; and the walls were defended by 1,500 towers, 
each two hundred feet high. A vast bridge, a thousand yards 
in length and thirty broad, stretched over the river, while a 
subterranean way was cut beneath. 

On every hand canals and irrigation works were seen. 

Each Babylonian city was governed by a chief priest, whose 
religion, however, did not embrace any sense of human brotherhood. 
But it is worthy of note that sacred and secular were not divided 
off like water-tight compartments. 

There were three classes in Babylon, as there are three in the 
civilised state of to-day. They were the noble, the citizen, and 
the slave. The wars of these nations were chiefly undertaken to 
obtain slaves, who must have perished like flies; and with every 
war the arts of peace and honourable industry were interrupted 
and destroyed. 

The condition of the slave depended to some extent in every 
state upon his intelligence, as does that of the worker of to-day. 
The mere beast of burden was valued purely as such. The average 
price of a sheep was 18s. ; of a male slave, 30s. ; of a female 
slave, 13s- 6d. A horse was valued at £7. 10s., and if it was 
a case of saving one or the other, the horse would be preserved. 
The reader may see some parallel here. Even in our enlightened 
twentieth century, where consideration for others is at least an 
axiom of Christian ethics, we are apt to wonder at the frequent 
warpings of self-interest and the deliberate ignoring of common 
justice. This fact, and our reading of Old Testament teaching 
on getting even with an adversary, the law of lex talionis—an eye 
for an eye — might let us down gently to the level of the religion 
of the Semites. 

If Babylon adopted polytheism, so did the Hebrews ;' but 
essentially its religion was monotheistic. We might be disposed 
to question the possibility of a Babylonish or Assyrian king 
claiming divine authority in the perpetration of revolting cruelties. 
But it was what the Israelite judges and rulers did, and, more 
to the point, it is what priests and kings of established churches 
are^ still doing, when they pray, for victories,, or chant Te Deums 
over slaughtered foes. 

The atrocities committed by Assyrian and Babylonish kings 
on rebellious tribes — perchance before they had reached the acme 

494 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

of cruelty in saving them alive to be slaves, or, it may be, when 
the slave market was absolutely glutted — are almost inconceivable. 
It was the proud boast of one of these monarchs, after some of his 
victories, that he had flayed alive the leaders and covered the walls 
with their skins; that he had buried some alive and crucified and 
impaled others; that he had burned alive 1,000 captives; that he 
had cut off hands and feet, nose and ears, and torn out eyes ; that 
he had crucified seven hundred men. 

The long-drawn-out agonies of slavery are revealed on some of 
the Assyrian sculptures showing processions of "slaves being 
dragged by chains sometimes fastened to their lips, or being forced, 
under the lash of the overseer, to move immense blocks for the 
construction of temples and palaces. "* They are shown, too, in the 
detailed laws of Hammurabi, in which the slave appears ais a mere 
animal, branded like the ox, and compelled to wear clay tablets 
round the neck engraved with the owner's name. 

And so we come to realise that the splendour of Babylon was 
built upon the sighs and woes of slaves. Under the lash of the 
taskmaster, in a temperature of sometimes 124° in the shade — a 
land where camels are said to be unable to live and birds sit 
panting on the date palms with beaks agape for want of air — 
these miserable creatures were forced to toil. Slavery not only 
demoralised the slaveholder, whose character was debauched by 
disregard of suffering, and by luxury and idleness ; it ruined the 
freeman, who, unable to earn a livelihood in competition with 
unpaid labour, was forced into the ranks of servitude himself. 

^Yhatever flaws critics may discover in the Hebrew polity, the 
contrast of their slave laws with those of Babylon are too 
remarkable to pass by. Traditions of their own bondage might 
have created a spirit of consideration in them, but the anomalies 
of human nature, on the other hand, might on that very account 
have made them more cruel. But explain it as we will, the 
contrast remains. Death was the sentence on the harbourer of 
the fugitive slave in Babylon. It was commanded to give him 
refuge in the Law of Moses. Every Sabbath the slave rested like 
his Hebrew master. 

And yet, it may be said, those empires lasted for millenniums, 
in spite of sullen hatreds and divided interests. So long as there 
was human fuel for the fire, and strength remained with the strong, 
it would be so. Yet the story of bloodshed and conquest in Asia 
Minor over those vast epochs reveals not only continuous race 
animosities but the shifting of central authorities to and fro. All 
the while disintegration was going on — the fuel was becoming 
exhausted. External and internal causes brought Nemesis at last. 
There came a night when Belshazzar feasted in his palace with a 
thousand of his lords, and the magic writing appeared on the wall. 
On that night the Medes entered the city, and Belshazzar was 
* The Nemesis of Nations. 
495 



Some Ancient Civilisations afid their Lessons. 

; slain. How many thousands of miserable creatures would hail 
the conqueror as a deliverer! "Babylon was great. Shg used 
science and she used art, but she abused humanity. . . . And 
when we see her ruins lying like a vast, mysterious autograph 
scrawled over the desert, her history appears to be full of 
v/arning."* 

The impassioned words of the Hebrew prophet may fittingly 
close the chapter: — 

":'_ And Babylon, the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldeans' pride, 
shall be as when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah. It shall never be 
inhabited, neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to generation; neither 
shall the Arabian pitch tent there: neither shepherds make their flocks to 
lie down there. But wild beasts of the desert shall lie there, and their houses 
shall be full of doleful creatures; and ostriches shall dwell there, and satyrs 
shall dance there; and wolves shall cry in their castles, and jackals in the 
pleasant palaces; and her time is near to come, and her days shall not be 
prolonged. 

THE MEDITERRANEAN CIVILISATION. 

In the year 1822 there was born in the home of a poor German 
pastor a boy who was named Heinrich Schliemann. In later life 
.the brightest memories of his childhood were the stories of 
romance and marvel that were told to him, among which his 
favourite was that of the Trojan War. The discovery of the 
buried Latin cities, Herculaneum and Pompeii, brought a new 
spirit of wonder to the boy's mind. How could a great city like 
Troy have vanished beyond recovery? It, too, must be traceable. 
And Heinrich dreamed of the time when he would find it. 
, , As quite a boy he was obliged to leave home, and entered the 
^.service of a grocer. One evening a drunken miller came into the 
shop and recited about a hundred lines from Homer, in the 
^original. Heinrich, without understanding a word, was so 
impressed by the resonance of the verse that he asked the miller 
, to repeat his recital. He did so twice over, being paid by the boy 
in three glasses of whisky. His one ambition was now to learn 
.(jrreek, but the opportunity was long delayed. He joined a ship 
,bound for Venezuela, travelled far, and settled at length in Eussia, 
where he made a fortune as army contractor during the Crimean 
War. Amid all his employment he never forgot his great 
ambition, nor had his wish to learn Greek been neglected. Not 
only had he mastered Greek, but five languages besides. He 
was now at liberty to journey south, and, in 1868, he visited 
Greece. Crossing to Asia Minor in 1871, he began his search for 
Troy city. His labours were succeeded by others, and eventually 
nine cities, six at least of importance, were unearthed. Schliemann 
mistook the real Troy, and, passing over to the Morean Peninsula, 
he made further excavations, and brought to light a wonderful 
civilisation which dated back to far beyond the great days of 
Agamemnon and Achilles. 

* The Nemesis of Nations. 

496 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

The background of English history with most people seldom 
causes more than a vague wonder as to the shadowy beings — cave- 
dwellers, men of the early Stone Age — who first inhabited our 
island. In like manner few ever think of all that led up to the 
"Golden Age of Greece." This is the story that has now been 
revealed. It was no wild men of the woods who lived in Greece 
three, four, and even more thousands of years ago. For many 
centuries their arts and architecture and maritime enterprise placed 
them among the leading nations of antiquity. The poets and 
storytellers of historical Greece loved to relate the deeds of the 
heroes who joined with Menelaus in the siege of Troy. But these 
were not their direct ancestors. The Athenians of the age of 
Pericles were descended from invaders of a later date. For years 
following the discoveries of Schliemann and others in Mycenae 
and Tiryns, these ancient cities were thought to have been the 
centre of this civilisation, but the discoveries of Evans and others 
in Crete have disclosed even more remarkable evidences of this 
lost people, and mark Crete itself, and its former capital Knossus, 
as the fountain head. Minoan civilisation it is called, named after 
Minos, the famous king, who, while by no means its founder, 
appears to have been a vigorous and strong ruler. Who has not 
read the story of the Minotaur and the Labyrinth of Crete ? Myth 
it cannot be altogether called, for the veritable palace of Minos 
has been found, and a huge underground vault, partially unearthed, 
has been suggested as the Labyrinth. 

That the Minoan people were peaceable and peace loving their 
art assures us. The horrors of Assyrian pictographs are not found 
among the motives of the beautiful vases of ancient Crete. Flower 
gatherers, dancing girls, fresh and happy themes speak of the 
hfe they led. Not that these people anticipated the ideal peace 
principles of the Christian era, or laid themselves open to invasion ; 
the Cretan bowmen were famous warriors, and Minos, whose 
reign belonged to a late Minoan period, was evidently a king to 
be feared. That Athens — the Athens of legend — was subject to 
him we read in the story of Theseus. 

The Minoan civilisation extended from isle to isle. New 
settlements of an industrious people, who became a sea power 
before the time of the Phcenicians, and possessed a system of 
writing before that later nationality invented their alphabet, were 
founded. Upon the coast of Palestine there are evidences that 
they established themselves, and were known to the Israelites as 
Philistines — a small but strong colony, successful in curbing 
the aggressiveness of the Hebrews. Who cannot recognise a 
resemblance between the individual feats of great warriors on the 
plain of Troy and the swagger of Goliath of Gath? If these 
warriors ever lived at all, many of them were of the Minoan race. 
Idomeneus had care of eighty barques manned by the sons of a 
hundred Cretan cities. Homer may have indulged occasionally in 

LL 497 



Some Aricieyit Civilisations and their Lessons. 

exaggerated flights of song, but his pictures of art and architecture 
apply with reasonable accuracy to Cretan and Mycenaean times. 
The pictures of city life, of harvest time, and country festivities, 
represented on the shield of Achilles, have delighted millions. 

Of the origin of this people, as indeed of all people, comparatively 
little is known. Europe, we learn, was inhabited in far distant 
ages by men who resembled this race, and even 10,000 B.C. has 
been named as within the compass of Cretan civilisation. 

Let it be noted that if, incidentally, they were warriors, they 
were not a fighting race. Small of stature, they seem scarcely to 
correspond with the physique of the great heroes of the Iliad.'''' 
It was the arts of peace that made them great and enduring. The 
warlike instincts which made ''flies of men and wildernesses of 
nations" in Asia Minor, did not seriously afflict them. Their 
writing is still a sealed book, but modern excavations have brought 
light into the life they lived. 

There was a largely democratic and even strongly socialistic 
element in their polity. The powerful Minoan monarchy developed 
eventually into a kind of communism, reverting, in a sense, to 
primitive conditions. The structure of the royal palaces proves 
that the court was open to the people. Men, women, and children 
were all fed at the expense of the state. The public meals of 
Sparta, in its great days centuries later, seem reminiscent of this; 
but each Spartan was expected every month to bring his requisite 
supply of provisions. Aristotle, indeed, credits many Spartan 
customs to Crete. 

The revenue was devoted to three objects: (1) The worship of 
the gods, (2) public expenditure, (3) public meals. Unlike the 
socialism of to-day, there was a strong military sentiment, and the 
overthrow of the monarchy and destruction of the palaces have been 
attributed to this force. But its relationship to the modern 
anti-mihtary type may be found by those who care to read a 
translation of the Iliad. There, in the second book, we find, 
behind Homer's lash of contempt, as thorough a socialist in the 
person of Thersites as any modern enthusiast could desire. 

Lastly — but of immense importance — though these people kept 
slaves they treated them as human beings. 

We cannot reasonably suppose that of necessity the problems 
which face the civilised powers of to-day existed 5,000 years ago. 
Clothing and housing in warm countries would not be a continual 
anxiety. Food was plentiful in the form of abundant and frequent 
harvests. The strenuous life was not a menace except among 
ill-treated slaves. 

Eeasonable leisure, and occupation largely in a ceramic art 
which was famous everywhere, and a plentiful supply of gold would 
naturally lead these people to decorate their persons with lavish 
display. The men of Mycenae wore necklets of gold, bronze, and 

* Possibly warriors were singled out as men of brawn rather than brain. 

498 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

precious stones. The garments were spangled with gold leaf. The 
women wore a chiton- — a close-fitting robe down to the waist, falling 
in flounces below. The cloth was of fine linen, and soft wool coloured 
purple — a popular dye associated with Tyre, and obtained from a 
shell-fish found on adjacent shores. According to Schliemann, the 
women were literally laden with golden jewellery. They fastened 
their hair with hairpins of gold, silver, and bronze. Diadems of 
CTold adorned their brows. Golden bands circled their throats, 
and golden necklets fell pendent over their bosoms. Gold bracelets 
clasped each arm, gold rings, chased and beautiful, shone on 
the fingers. 

The religion was largely a worship of Zeus and Demeter (god 
•of heaven and goddess of the earth). 

What came of this great people? Were they destroyed by 
invaders? It is a recognised fact that invading races in the past 
have frequently triumphed at the expense of civihsation, and the 
turned palaces of Mycenae and Tiryns seem to point to this. 
But there are evidences, too — at least in Crete — that pestilence 
■swept the people away. We read of a "dreadful plague" coming 
upon the Grecian forces, in Homer; of the destruction of the 
Assyrian Army, when — 

The angel of death spread his wings on the blast, 
And breathed in the face of the foe as he passed. 

The "noisome pestilence," indeed, in hot, unhealthy climates 
may easily have swept whole nations away. Our own more 
favoured land, even, has had its Black Death and Plague of London. 

GREECE. 

Eventually another race appeared, the forerunners of the 
famous people whose art and culture are still the admiration of 
-the world. It was not suddenly that they overran the country. 
As in Central Europe, and conducive to a slow development, 
dense forests covered the land, where wild beasts roamed, which 
■could only be cultivated in the one case and subdued in the other 
iDy long-sustained exertion. The people settled in communities, 
villages grew in importance, and finally the settlement became a 
•state. Thus Attica arose, with Athens as its centre; and thus 
Laconia, with its capital Sparta. Of Sparta little need be said, 
but that little is full of import. If the building up of physique is 
the ideal way of exalting a nation, Sparta was a model. Simplicity 
•of life and hardihood were the chief aims. Weakly children were 
regarded as a burden, and not suffered to live. Each child was 
the property of the state. At the age of seven boys were forced 
to leave home and go into public institutions. Both boys and 
girls underwent a course of gymnastic exercises. The military 
courage of Leonidas and his little band at the Pass of Thermopylae 
has often been told. Sparta's fame rests in fact on its military 
regime. It gave nothing else to the world. The Spartans became 

499 



Some Ancient Civilisatioyis and their Lessons. 

the most perfect foot soldiers that Greece ever saw, but they were 
entu'ely destitute of refinement or hberal sentiment. They had no 
arts and no poetry or philosophy. "In the story of Hellas," says 
J. M. Robertson, "Sparta stands almost alone among peoples as 
yielding no foothold to the life of the mind, bare of nearly all 
memory of beauty, indigent in all that belongs to the spirit, 
morally sterile as steel." 

It seems to be a characteristic of little states to be jealous and 
quarrelsome, and, as Norman Angell has observed, it is not war 
that has bound them together, but war, and the war spirit, which 
has kept them apart. 

And just as the Balkan States are explosive and capricious, so 
was it with the Greece of ancient history. Not only were the little 
states for ever quarrelling, but over and over again the ablest 
generals, statesmen, and philosophers were killed or exiled. As 
one writer has said, "the Athenians never learned to be just to 
those who served them, or to distinguish between treachery and 
errors of judgment." 

Although Athens dated back to Minoan days, the Golden Age 
may be said to have begun about 600 b.c. This was in historical 
times, and in all directions ample material is available. To trace 
the careers of rulers and peoples through the succeeding two or 
three centuries in so limited a space would be impossible. Suffice 
it that we gain a general impression of the period of greatness and 
mark the causes of the decline and fall. 

The conflict of class interests was early in evidence in Athenian 
affairs. There were the rich landholders, the merchantmen, and 
the peasantry, each with ambitions, and two at least with 
grievances. The struggles of party gave a variety of governments 
to the people as the years went by. Personal ambitions led to 
curious anomalies. 

There were benevolent tyrants and tyrannical democrats. 
Some of the greatest law-givers were men of aristocratic birth, 
whose benevolent motives sprang in part from personal ambition. 
Tn no case could it be said that an ideal was reached. 

No state or age can ever be said to have stood alone uninfluenced 
by its own past, or by what has been aptly called "cross 
fertilisation." Spartan isolation came near to it. Situation 
contributed to such a condition. This naturally led to the fostering 
of militarism and the consequent blank in contribution to the 
world's growth. 

On the other hand, Athens was open to all the educative winds 
of heaven. The Golden Age did not come like an aerolite — it 
grew like the dawn. If it belonged to the days of Pericles : the 
statesmanship of Solon, the integrity of Aristides the Just, the 
generalship of Themistocles and Cimon, the bitter lessons of past 
failures and the wisdom that came of struggles and compromises 
all led up to it. The rising of a little nation to defend their 

500 



i 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

fatherland, the sinking of petty, inter-state quarrels and internal 
differences, the co-operation of all classes in the face of the Persian 
danger, served also to usher in the day. 

Pericles was born 499 B.C. In his youth he attended the 
lectures of Zeno and Anaxagoras, and learned politics from his 
music master. Plutarch gives an instance of his philosophy and 
self-control during his maturer years: — 

A vile, abandoned fellow loaded him a whole day with reproaches and 
abuse; he bore it with patience and silence. In the evening he walked slowly 
home, this impudent wretch following and insulting him all the way. As it was 
dark when he came to his own door, he ordered one of his servants to take a 
torch and light the man home. 

This dignified demeanour was regarded as due to pride and 
contempt of others by some, and of these Zeno observed that they 
would do well to be proud in the same way, so that acting a part 
might insensibly produce a love of it. 

As a young man Pericles, partly, perchance, from modesty, 
partly from fear of ostracism,* kept himself in the background. 
His studies under Anaxagoras bore fruit in later days, when his 
tongue was said to be armed with thunder. 

Such was his reverence of the gods that, before speaking in 
public, he always addressed a prayer to them that not one word 
might unawares escape him unsuitable to the occasion. 

There is no doubt that at the outset Pericles gained his power 
with the people largely at the expense of Cimon, the great admiral 
and head of the nobles, whose generosities to the poor did not 
prevent the success of his rival, f 

Cimon suffered banishment, and when Pericles finally recalled 
him it was to appease the people. 

On the death of Cimon, his brother-in-law, Thucydides, was put 
up against Pericles by the aristocratic party. So severe was the 
strife that the city was divided into two bitter factions : people 
and nobles. Pericles now made greater efforts than ever to retain 
the friendship of his allies. Shows and feasts and processions 
were frequently arranged. Probably the most popular act of 
Pericles was the curtailing of the ancient power of the Areopagus 
(the Athenian House of Lords) and the establishing of the jury 

* Exile was the result of ostracism. This singular practice consisted in 
every citizen at a certain time writing the name of the person he wished to 
have banished on a piece of broken pot or shell. The highest poll condemned 
to banishment. When the ostracism of Aristides was proceeding, an ignorant 
fellow came to him, not knowing who he was, and asked him to write Aristides 
on his shell. On being asked what injury Aristides had done him, he declared 
none, but could not bear to hear him everywhere called "the Just." 

f Cimon acquired a great fortune in his wars, and what he had gained from 
the enemy he gave to his fellow-citizens. "He ordered the fences of his fields 
and gardens to be thrown down, that strangers as well as his own countrymen 
might freely partake of his fruit. He had supper provided at his house every 
day, in which the dishes were plain, but sufficient for a multitude of guests. 
Every poor citizen repaired to it at pleasure." — Related by Plutarch. 

501 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

courts. This innovation gave the people a new sense of their own 
importance, and also taught them the wisdom of united action. 
Six thousand citizens were enrolled as jurors, who decided local 
disputes or charges, and even affairs of state in the jury courts. 
The mischief which attended this and other measures was payment 
for service. Of the tainted source of the funds we shall speak 
shortly, but the mischief struck deeper in that it encouraged 
constitutional idlers. The very existence of the courts also fostered 
class divisions and the spirit of litigation. 

The administration of the state was in the hands of the- 
Assembly. The state was divided in ten * 'tribes," and fifty taken 
from each formed the Council, which carried out the Assembly's, 
decrees. Each candidate for office had to undergo a public 
examination as to his character. A president was chosen from 
every "tribe," and a fresh one was elected daily, every one being 
paid for service. When we consider the proportion of those in 
office to a population of some 235,000, as compared with a 
similar number in a modern house of representatives as against a 
population of fifty or sixty millions, we may accept the caustic 
criticism that this was "self-government gone mad." 

Although Pericles was dragged frequently into war, and 
distinguished himself in battle, his was not an aggressive 
government. How far his own claim could be justified from 
modern standards may be questioned. A lofty sentiment appears 
in his words, which modern statesmen might well emulate. As he 
lay dying, certain citizens, gathered around his bed, discoursed 
concerning his brilliant acts, civil and military. They thought him 
unconscious, but presently he said: "I am surprised that while 
you dwell upon and extol these acts of mine, though fortune had 
her share in them, and many other generals performed the like, 
you take no notice of the greatest and most honourable part of 
my character, that no Athenian through my means ever put on 
mourning."* 

The funeral oration ascribed to Pericles, given on the occasion 
of a naval calamity, conveys so admirable a description of the 
ideal state aimed at, that portions of it may fittingly find a place 
in these pages : — 

Our institutions are not borrowed from those around us ; they are our 
own, the creation of Athenian statesmen. In political language of the day, 
we are called a democracy, and the name is true, and not true. It is true,, 
because the administration of our city is in the hands of the people; and 
there is one law for rich and poor; it is not true, because, above all states,, 
we recognise the claims of excellence. In this sense we are an aristocracy; 
not of birth, for among us there is no privilege; not of wealth, for poverty is 
a bar to none; but of merit. . . . Along with this unconstrained liberty 
goes a spirit of reverence, which pervades every act of our public life; authority 
is maintained, the laws are obeyed, not from fear of punishment, but from 
principle; and of all ordinances the most sacred in our eyes are those which 

* Belated by Plutarch. 

502 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

protect the injured, who cannot retaliate; and the unwritten laws, which, 
though enforced by no legal penalty, bring reproach to the transgressor. . . . 
We dare to think as well as act; we live for ourselves, while living for the state 
With us a love of what is beautiful is consistent with economy. . . 
More than any other nation we have drawn our friends to us by kindly actions, 
and we have assisted others without hope of adonntage. 

Could our italicised words have been surpassed in any defence 
of a Christian state? 

And yet a later criticism deserves mention. Aristotle, who 
was born 384 B.C., was able to sum up the advantages and 
disadvantages of the various forms of government, and his 
conclusions were that, having witnessed the unjust exactions of 
a democracy, the dwindling population of an oligarchy at Sparta, 
and the oppressive selfishness of new tyrannies throughout the 
Greek world, he condemned the constitution of the Greek states. 
The ideal constitution for him might be either a commonwealth, 
an aristocracy, or a monarchy directed to the general good; but he 
preferred the monarchy of one man, pre-eminent in virtue, as the 
best of all governments. 

When opposition was no longer formidable the brilliance of 
Pericles' administration grew brighter, and the wisdom of his 
restraining influence over military spirits more conspicuous. In 
the words of the historian, "he was a man of probity. Money 
could not bribe him; he was so much above the desire of it that, 
though he added greatly to the opulence of the state, yet he added 
not one drachma to his paternal estate." It was his aim that all 
the citizens should "live in a land of health, amid fair sights and 
sounds." 

It was during the life of Pericles that the city of Athens was 
destroyed by the Persians; it was in his age that the mighty fleet 
of Xerxes was defeated at Sal amis ; and it was under his vigorous 
leadership that the new and beautiful city rose on the ruins of the 
old, and extended along the Piraeus to the sea. 

Let us glance briefly at the daily life and customs of the people. 

There was no Spartan discipline in Athens. The lot of the 
Athenian boy was far happier. Education was private. At the 
age of six the lad was put under the care of an old slave called 
paidagogos, whose duty it was simply to take him to school or for 
walks, and keep an eye on his behaviour. The boy learned to sing, 
to play the lyre, to write from a copy, and to read. Instead of a 
slate a wax tablet was used, on which letters were scratched with 
a pointed instrument. Homer was the chief schoolbook, and the 
mythology of Greece was known to every scholar. Music was no 
mere dilettante pursuit, but had an important place in the ethical 
development. 

Physical training was practised at the wrestling schools under 
private control. The gymnasia were pubUc institutions, with 
racecourses and various facilities for adult exercises. Baths were 
provided, and not to be able to swim was a disgrace equal to 

503 



• Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

not knowing the alphabet. Taken altogether, education was 
conducted with a view to the development of a capable citizen. 

Girls seem to have been negligible. The sphere of the Greek 
woman was the household. Those who were much in public did 
not enjoy a high moral reputation. The instruction of a girl was 
therefore very limited. Even the home shopping was conducted 
by the master of the house. Spinning, sewing, and embroidery 
were the chief feminine accomplishments. 

And how did the little ones amuse themselves? The boys at 
least could not soil their clothes, since, in summer at all events, 
they were almost naked. The little girls wore long dresses fastened 
by ribbons crossing each other. 

There were plenty of stories to be told in those days. u3Esop 
was a prime favourite. There were many toys, too, similar to 
those in vogue to-day. A metal jar filled with stones formed a 
good, noisy rattle. There were little two-wheeled carts, or a single 
wheel on a long pole. Boys delighted to drive tame dogs or goats, 
and little girls played at cooking with earthenware vessels. Dolls, 
of course, were common, and for the boys there were tops and 
whips and hoops and ships, while swings were popular with both 
boys and girls. 

Festivals were numerous, from the great Olympic and other 
"games" to the Eleusinian rites and the Dionysiac orgies. The 
great tragedies, too, of ^schylus, Euripides, and Sophocles, and 
the comedies of Aristophanes, who all belonged to the Golden Age, 
were the common property of the people. 

The shopkeeper was held in poor esteem by the Athenians, 
while agriculture was honoured and practised by rich and poor alike. 
The breeding of cattle, asses, sheep, and goats was a common 
industry in the country districts, while the cultivation of the olive 
was the basis of a considerable foreign oil trade. Foreign trading 
was by no means on a level with shopkeeping, and the virility of 
the nation was largely due to their maritime occupation. Their 
familiarity with the sea gave them their victory over the Persians, 
who had no knowledge of it. As sea traders the Phoenicians 
anticipated the Greeks. Pirates to a large extent they were, 
plundering the islands of the ^"^gean with impunity until Greece 
became the deliverer, and piracy gradually sank into disrepute. 
The seafaring life, as with our own nation, naturally led to a 
peaceful colonisation. 

There is much over which we might pause in the religion of 
Greece. Just as at a slightly later date the influence of Buddha 
imperceptibly spread westward, tingeing even the New Testament 
records, so the religions of other races — Egypt, Assyria, Phoenicia — 
reappear in Greece. Aphrodite and Adonis were Phoenician, 
Dionysus (Bacchus of the Romans) was from Asia ; the Eleusinian 
mysteries, which were eventually transformed into sacred Christian 
ceremonials, are thought to have originated in Egypt. The strange 

504 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

sacredness of stones seems to have been identified with all adjacent 
religions, showing a common source. The word Bethel, which 
Jacob gave to the stone on which his head had rested, is found 
in the Greek Bostyl (sacred pillar). The dolmens of Carnac in 
Brittany, the monoliths of Stonehenge, the very temple pillars of 
all nations seem to indicate a far distant common origin. 

The Shiloh of Old Testament history was typical of Grecian 
oracles. 

That the Greeks were a highly religious nation as regards 
observances, and what we should designate superstitions, their 
historians amply prove. Their consultations of oracles at times of 
crisis and their sacrificial rites before entering battle are evidence 
of this. We have seen, too, how magnanimous they could be, and 
yet there remained the dark background of slavery and the ever- 
growing military spirit. Patriotism may easily descend into 
Chauvinism, and develop a "national purse pride and the vertigo 
of the higher dunghill." Then follows the pugnacious, grasping 
policy and the stagnating effects of conquest. This was the story 
of Athens. Conquerors and conquered in the devastating 
Peloponnesian civil war, in which Greece was involved for 
twenty-seven years, alike suffered the Nemesis which could not but 
attend. 

The effects of slavery were less apparent but equally malignant. 
We are apt to judge ancient people by modern standards, but the 
horrors of slavery and the slave trade have not yet been wiped out. 
That there were kind masters in Athens we know; and, although 
occasional pity was expressed by the great poets, it may be said 
that, generally speaking, the famous thinkers of Greece supported 
slavery. 

In the days depicted by Homer heroes and princes and princesses 
delighted in household — what we regard as menial — tasks. Some 
of the famous leaders of thought and action in early Athens lived 
in the simplest style and in the humblest of dwellings. But as 
Athens grew in power, and slaves gradually supplanted free labour 
(as in Babylon), idleness and luxury and loss of human dignity and 
virtue inevitably followed. The slave was the machine. He was 
cheap to buy and a good investment. The state lived on him. 
The odium which attached to the artisan did not touch the employer 
of slave labour. The slave population far outnumbered the free 
men. Scarcely anyone was too poor to own a slave, and six or 
seven in a household was a modest possession. The number 
ranged up into hundreds. All the trades of the city were carried 
on by slaves. The master hired out his slaves as he would his asses. 

Athens became the slave market of the Mediterranean, and the 
buying and selling of human beings added to the callousness of 
the people. The silver mines of Laurion were owned by the 
Athenian state, and the profits were used to build the Athenian 

505 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

fleet and to pour wealth into the city. Even the new city was 
built, to some extent, upon the miseries of the slave. 

The mines were of vast extent. A ten-hour day — calculated 
from the burning capacity of the lamps discovered — seems to have 
been in operation, and the work went on night and day. It has 
been estimated that 20,000 slaves were employed in the mines. 
They were chained, and a moment's pause for rest would bring 
down the overseer's lash. Upwards of two thousand galleries have 
been found, some of them 400 feet in depth. Even children toiled 
in these stifling holes. Two years was the average term of life of 
the slave miner. 

Conspiracy was hardly possible, since the cunning taskmasters 
so arranged it that slaves from different countries worked together. 

In the household the stress of labour might not be so continuous, 
but the slave was only a chattel. His evidence might be required 
in the law courts, but his bare word could not be trusted, and 
confession under torture was always required. If the poor victim 
was permanently injured the master received damages. 

As the dawn came swiftly, so came the setting ; and the downfall 
of Athens was due in part to the demoralising tributes of dependent 
states* and in part to the curse of slavery. 

BOME. 

Behind even the commercial struggles for supremacy in olden 
days was the spirit — the intrusive spirit — of the warrior; and it 
is with us still. The "good old rule" sufficed in times past "that 
they should take who have the power. ' ' It was done openly then ; 
it is done under clever pretexts to-day. 

Training in arms, building of ships, and forging of weapons 
were forced upon the peacefully inclined among ancient states, 
purely for self-preservation. In recognising this, let the distinction 
between a purely defensive warfare, such as was waged by the 
Greeks against Persia, and that of a conqueror like Alexander be 
noted; and also the tendency, having once been warmed by the 
tribal, fighting spirit, to its becoming a consuming fire. The history 
of ancient Eome furnishes its own moral. 

In Virgil's great poem, "The iEneid, " the travels of ^neas 
and those who escaped from burning Troy are told. Arrived on 
Italian shores, ^neas visits the kingdom of the dead, and there 
has a vision of their descendants — the future Eoman nation which 
would spring from this Trojan remnant. 

Whether Eomulus and other less legendary characters ever 
really lived is unimportant, and whether the Trojans were ancestors 
of the Eomans, if momentarily interesting, is equally so. Early 
Eome lies in the shadows. Another people of uncertain origin — 

* According to Aristotle, nearly the whole of the male population of Athens 
was supported by tribute. 

506 



So7ne Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

the Etruscans — dominated central Italy at one period, and some- 
at least of the Roman kings were of that race. Lars Porsena of 
Clusium, who figures in Macaulay's "Lays," was a king of the 
Etruscans, taking up arms to restore the vicious Tarquin, son of 
the last King of Rome, who had been hounded out of the city. 
The Etruscans appear to have reached a moderate degree of 
civilisation. Remains of their architecture and aqueducts are still 
extant. Italy in those days was mostly covered by forests and 
marshes, and villages were usually built upon piles. A preference 
for the seaboard was a wise one, and Greek colonies appeared 
very early in southern Italy. The city of Tarentum was one of 
the first and the most important. 

Early rivalries between Romans and Etruscans led to wider 
complications and the eventual absorption of several tribes in the 
growing Roman power, A sudden invasion of the Celts from the 
north — a horde of half -naked warriors, who captured and sacked 
Rome — was responsible for our lack of reliable knowledge. They 
departed speedily, being too barbaric for a settled life. 

After this, dangers from the north were reduced by making 
military roads and establishing fortified colonies. Trouble in 
the south and from mountain men (the Samnites) and from the 
Greek settlements ended in Roman supremacy throughout Italy. 
One of the earliest roads is known in history as the Flaminian 
Way. Two others were famous — the Latin Way and the Appian 
Way. The position of the city had been well chosen — hard to 
reach, strongly situated — and the character of the people had little 
of the ebullient imaginativeness of the Greek race. Sturdy 
cohesion and aptitude to discipline helped to build up a nationality 
and an empire of enormous power. From the expulsion of the 
Tarquins to the age of Julius Caesar — about five centuries — ^Rome 
was a republic. The government was chiefly in the hands of the 
Senate, a select body composed chiefly of military leaders, who 
had first justified their rule by upholding the honour of the city 
against "false Sextus." Under the Senate, active government 
was in the hands of two consuls, who were elected annually. 
They had supreme power in war and considerable authority in 
the city, and the right of veto upon each other's judgments. 

The survival of Rome was due to successful emergence from 
many desperate struggles, and it is small wonder that the spirit of 
conquest and empire eventually dominated her policy. 

There was an early division of the people into patricians and 
plebeians, and the beginning of Roman history is largely a record 
of their struggles. 

Besides the Senate there was the popular assembly, or Lower 
House, and, later, the Plebeian Assembly. In the year when the 
monarchy ended (509 B.C.) the "Plebs" were roused into rebellion 
on account of the drastic laws respecting debtors. "The law of 

507 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

debt," says Macaulay, "framed by creditors, and for the protection 
of creditors, was the most horrible that has ever been known." 
The rebels were pacified by offered concessions and a persuasive 
parable, told by a senator, of a quarrel between the belly and the 
limbs. One of the important recognitions of popular rights was 
obtained a few years later in the appointing of two tribunes. The 
contempt of the patrician class for these is well depicted in 
Shakespeare's Coriola.nus. 

At first two only were chosen, but eventually the number grew 
to ten. In them was invested the power of protecting the "Plebs" 
from oppression. The "Plebs' " Assembly, at first only an 
institution without authority, in time secured a legal status in its 
decisions. 

The basis of many Eoman laws and customs was religion. 
If we call it superstition, at least it may be regarded as sincere, 
and as intelligent as some of our present-day observances and 
customs. The word pontiff, as we use it to-day, has its origin in 
the of&ce of the Pontifex Maximus of early Eome, whose official 
residence was by the Tiber; and that dated back to the time when 
migratory tribes reached river banks in days when every river was 
sacred to its deity, and a special religious ceremonial was required 
ere a bridge could be thrown across. 

The consulting of omens was at first a natural act of observation. 
Foretelling the weather by flights of birds developed into the. 
fantastical observations of the auspicium. 

The wandering tribes, ere they settled in some fertile spot, would 
examine the entrails of indigenous animals to guide them in their 
conclusions as to the salutary conditions of the climate and soil. 
This developed into a board of Augurs, who discovered the will 
of the gods by these methods. 

The transmission of religious ideas came naturally with 
commercial contact, and the tracing of European theocracies 
to the East is a study of great interest. But some also give 
evidence of racial succession, or close affinity. Thus the 
lares and penates of the Eoman household carry us naturally 
back to the "wonderful guest" of the Aryans, who first 
invaded Hindustan. There is an approximation in these 
conceptions appreciably near to the highest of Christian ideals. 
Every respectable Eoman home was a temple. In it resided the 
departed spirits of ancestors. There was a sacred centre in each 
house, where the ancestral images were kept, and here the family 
gathered daily for prayer. There was a recognised guardianship 
on the part of good spirits known as manes. Domestic and public 
ancestry were included in the lares and penates. At some 
funerals images of ancestors were carried to the grave, and their 
deeds recited to rouse the spirit of emulation in the young. 

One peculiarity of Eoman law was that for many centuries there 
was no jurisdiction over private life. A man was supreme in his 

508 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

own house. Eeligious institutions authorised it. He was entitled 
to punish his own children by death or slavery if so willed. But 
until the later days of the empire life in Rome had many charms. 
The birth of a boy was a time for rejoicing. A rehgious festival 
was held. A curious superstition was observed in the hanging 
round the child's neck of a gilded disc — or a leather one in poor 
houses — as a charm against the evil eye. 

For seven years the mother had the child's training in her own 
hands, and it is interesting to note the contrast between the sex's 
position in Rome and in Athens. For an Athenian woman to 
intrude into public life was to acquire an unenviable notoriety. The 
Roman mother enjoyed a wider sphere of influence. The historical 
episode in Shakespeare's Coriolanus, where Volumnia visits the 
Volscian camp to plead with her son, represents a true Roman 
mother. 

At seven years of age the boy left the maternal control. His 
wider education began. He was trained in swimming, riding, 
throwing the javehn. He was taught to be modest, obedient, and 
respectful to elders, and reverential to the gods. 

Wherever there are children there must be toys. Many of 
these, like our own English toys, were constructed to teach as- 
well as amuse. Some of these, after the conquest of Greece and 
the adoption of Athenian schoolmasters, would probably be of 
Grecian origin. Big letters of ivory were in vogue with which the 
child learned to read. Writing was learned in somewhat the same 
fashion as in Athens. If the Enghsh boy is oppressed with 
arithmetic problems, what must it have been in Rome? The 
simplest of our sums would become alarming with Roman numerals. 
To multiply 88 by 8 would be figured thus : LXXXVIIT. x VIII. 

Grammar was an important part of the curriculum. Literature 
involved, as time went by, the growing collection of Roman poets, 
and also Homer and ^sop. As with numerals so with Roman 
letters — all were in capitals, the words running together; learning 
to read must have been a formidable task. 

It is interesting to note that some schoolmasters were given 
their freedom and paid large salaries. 

Not only did famous citizens learn from slaves, but sometimes 
at their receptions learned men would be specially engaged to 
discourse on various subjects, and the lord of the feast took unction 
to himself for their wisdom. 

But what of the common people — free citizens ? Alas I their 
freedom was little more than the licence of the soldier. We may 
admire the rites and beliefs of the Roman family, and accept the 
statement in a qualified way that therein lay the strength of Rome, 
but when we turn to the humbler ranks we find the poor were 
excluded. Ancestry did not belong to them, nor lares and penates 
in any private sense. The protection of guardian spirits belonged 
to the man of property. 

509 



Sofne Ancient CiDilisations and their Lessons. 

The evolution of property ownership in Eome was no fortuitous 
affair. Early migrations, settlements, communal ownerships, 
appropriation of land : this stereotyped order had been the 
-experience of Eome. The land question always and everywhere in 
the world's history has been a casus belli, internal or external. It 
was one of the problems of ancient Eome, and her solution of it 
■contributed to her downfall. 

It has been suggested that the long-sustained struggle with 
Oarthage (the flourishing Phoenician colony), known as the Punic 
Wars, was the turning point for evil in the history of Eome. From 
that date the aggressive spirit became predominant — the evil genius 
of the state. The Senate, once noble and trustworthy, became a 
den of thieves, "experts, specialists of war and empire." Honest, 
free industry was gradually superseded, and the freeman, the 
victim of rich moneylenders, was often sold into slavery himself. 

"Eome,'' declared Augustine, "had never been a republic at all, 
"because justice had no place in it." Public land was by degrees 
fraudulently appropriated. The old upright Eoman character that 
had been built up in agricultural industry was now dragged at the 
heels of patrician overlords, and the spirit of defence debased into 
one of defiance and conquest. 

Henceforth there was a fearful increase in internal corruption, immorality, 
Ijribery, and insatiable eagerness for riches, disregarding everything else and 
impudently setting aside laws, orders of the Senate, and legal proceedings, 
making war unauthorised, celebrating triumphs without permission, plundering 
the provinces, robbing the allies.* 

In the reign of militarism, when Eoman soldier adventurers 
ravaged the civilised world, the cattle raids of early warfare were 
transformed into demands for tribute. For four or five centuries 
the Eomans were maintained by the violent spoliation of the world's 
wealth. 

Slave labour of patrician landholders was devoted to the 
•cultivation of the olive and the vine, and cattle-breeding took the 
place of corn-growing. Increasing poverty was met by the free 
distribution of corn, taken as tribute, or bought at conquerors' 
prices in corn-producing states. The unprofitable growing of corn 
in Italy gradually depopulated the land. Free food in Eome 
brought a demoralised crowd into the city; and when similar 
distribution took place in other Italian towns the demoralisation 
was only intensified. Never could any tyranny have been termed 
parasitical more appropriately than that of Eome. Corn, being 
the chief product of several countries, their tribute was largely 
paid in kind. If paid in gold the money had to be devoted to the 
purchase of foreign food. 

In the second century B.C. the two brothers Gracchi — the 

famous' "jewels," in their childhood, of their mother Cornelia — 

were born. The names of these brothers stand out as the land 

reformers of Eoman history. The problem of poverty and 

*Teu£Eel, History of Roman Literature. 

510 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

agricultural depression appealed to the elder brother, Tiberius, 
who threw himself with energy into the passing of what has been, 
called a Small Holdings Act. So eager was he to force the bill 
through that he broke the laws in the attempt. This provided the 
opportunity to his enemies, and he was slain on the Capitol, the 
people for whom he had struggled making no effort to save him. 

Nine years later, Caius, the younger brother, was elected 
Tribune, and carried forward the work Tiberius had begun. He 
has been described as a **Eoman statesman of the highest order, 
a gentleman in the best and noblest sense." But the efforts of 
one man, however courageous and sagacious, could not curb the 
reactionary forces of vested interests, nor lift a degraded people 
out of the mire. There was a millstone round the neck of Eome 
slowly strangling the nation. Caius Gracchus was also murdered 
by his enemies. 

How easy it is for the thoughtful mind to trace the devastating 
effects of the imperial spirit below the glitter of conquest. The 
almost voiceless suffering that lay beneath is revealed. The 
aspirations of the democracy were frustrated, and the very gains 
of the victor contributed to their undoing. Not indeed to theirs 
alone. The curse fell on all. Wealth accumulated and men 
decayed in all ranks. Among the patrician classes it contributed 
to a voluntary plunge into gross excesses. 

In the first century B.C. Eome was absolutely a military empire. 
Soldier adventurers such as Caesar, Pompey, and Sulla dominated 
its destinies. Faction ran mad. Deeds which might be paralleled 
by the massacre of St. Bartholomew were recorded. In the 
absence of Sulla on one of his expeditions his enemies took the 
opportunity of putting to death more than a thousand nobles and 
fifty senators of his party. ^Yhen Sulla returned with an army, 
enriched with spoils, he exacted a fearful retribution. Not only the 
participants in the slaughter were proscribed. Their sons and 
grandsons, those who sheltered them, those who were denounced 
by traitors, fell at the hands of hired assassins. "There was not a 
single temple," says Plutarch, "not a house but was polluted with 
blood. Husbands were slaughtered in the arms of their wives, and 
sons in the arms of their mothers, while numbers were put out of 
the way for the sake of their property." 

And through all these calamities the "Plebs" were inevitable 
sufferers. Their ranks were decimated by continuous wars until, 
of necessity, a mercenary soldiery had to take their place. 

But beyond and outside this were the vast hosts of slaves. 
Except in respect of climate the lot of the Eoman slaves must have 
been almost as terrible as in Babylon. The wars of Eome were 
chiefly undertaken for plunder in the shape of gold or slaves. 
Wherever unharried countries offered scope for putting off the 
approaching Nemesis it was eagerly seized. Internecine struggles 
in the early days brought many thousands of slaves of the same 

511 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

Latin race into Eome. As war extended a tremendous slave market 
developed. "Slave merchants followed the armies, and sales on the 
battlefield were superintended by the military questors who 
represented the state,"* for the state drew a vast revenue from a 
slave tax. If the supply exceeded the demand the price fell 
proportionately. On one occasion the prisoners brought only the 
equivalent of four francs apiece. Csesar's campaigns were chiefly in 
quest of slaves. After one victory in Gaul he sold as many as 
53,000, and the victories of every great general produced fresh 
relays. In addition to Eoman conquests, private slavers crowded 
the Mediterranean and found a ready market in Italy. Besides 
taxation the slave trade was under state protection. Fraud and 
concealment were punishable, and contracts might be cancelled 
up to a year after purchase if physical defects appeared in the slave. 

The architectural remains of Eome are relics of slave labour. 

Her colossal public buildings recalled the great structures of Babylon. . 
The Circus Maximus accommodated 285,000 spectators. In her vast public 
warehouses she was able to store millions of bushels of grain. . . . The 
Forum of Augustus, with its faQades of dazzling white marble, was doubtless a 
noble structure, but the Forum of Trajan was conceived on a grander scale. 
In order merely to prepare its site, the ridge of rock which connected the 
Capitol and the Quirinal was removed by the labour of thousands of slaves.* 

The great aqueducts, some of which extended sixty miles, were 
the work of slaves, and in the construction of the buildings the 
preparation of the material, the slavery of the empire was involved. 
Marble columns were quarried and shaped by slaves in tributary 
states, brought overseas by slaves in ships built and manned by 



There is a contrast which may well be made between the 
inadequately paid labourer of to-day and the unpaid slave of Eome. 
Underpaid labour may be replaced, but to underfeed a slave who 
had been purchased like a horse was at least impolitic. 

The skill of the slave naturally regulated his market price, in 
which buyer and seller alone reaped gain. But a skilled slave was- 
worth a good sum, and it was to his master's interest to feed him 
properly. In many cases no doubt this would apply, but 
unrestrained impulse seldom listens to reason, and even the 
valuable slave might be killed in a moment of temper with absolute 
impunity. For the" unskilled, in a teeming slave market, the 
reader may picture the fates which daily threatened. In many 
houses an array of fiendish instruments of torture were kept, and 
these were used upon the most trifling occasions. The tongue of 
the talkative might be cut off, the eyes of another torn out, a 
recaptured runaway might have his legs broken, and interference 
there could be none. Crucifixions were common. 

The wealthy Eoman possessed, in some cases, thousands of 
slaves. Every possible post was filled by slaves. A slave was. 

* The Nemesis of Nations. 
512 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

chained to the door of the house to admit guests. Slaves cooked 
and served up the feasts and poured out the slave-made wine ; slaves 
provided music and song, taught children, copied manuscripts. 
The arts and culture of Greece were at the command of the 
conquerors. The master aped the Assyrian tyrants. Slaves 
fanned him, tasted his food, and whisked the flies from his lordly 
brow. Slaves wove his cloth and his linen, made his furniture 
and crockery. It has been estimated by Gibbon that over the empire 
during the reign of Claudius there were 60 millions of slaves, 
and even in Eome, with a population of just over 300,000 freemen, 
there were nearly a million slaves. Not alone were the splendid 
buildings of Eome erected by slaves; not alone as servitors did 
they enter the baths, restaurants, reading-rooms, and promenades ; 
contrasting daily, as many of them must have done, their own 
unhappy lot with that of these self-indulgent citizens ; but, 
crowning mockery and shame of all, it was from their ranks that 
the amusements of the amphitheatre w^ere supplied. Thousands 
of gladiators perished in the arena every year, hired out by their 
masters, who, in case of death, received their due compensation. 

A sad commentary on the condition of Imperial Eome was 
discovered in the opening out of an ancient cemetery. A vast pit 
was found therein, a thousand feet in length and three hundred 
deep. This was the city tip, where dead slaves, dead dogs, and 
all manner of refuse were thrown. 

The same reason operated against rebellion in Eome as in 
Athens. Slaves of different nationalities worked side by side, often 
animated by bitter race hatreds towards each other. And yet, 
with a vast slave population, there was always a danger and the 
fear of revolt. In the year 73 B.C. began the great outbreak under 
Spartacus. At first a Eoman auxiliary, he deserted and became a 
bandit. He was captured and sent to a training school for 
gladiators. A man of resource and leadership, he persuaded a 
band of gladiators into rebellion. Eighting their way to freedom 
they found refuge in the crater of Vesuvius. Other slaves joined 
them, and a force of 3,000 soldiers sent against them was defeated. 
A proclamation of freedom for slaves was sent out. and quickly 
a rebel army of 70,000 gathered, and again the Eomans were 
overpowered. For two years, with the aid of Gallic allies, the 
existence of Eome was threatened, but at a critical moment, when 
marching on the city, 30,000 Gauls, for some unexplained reason, 
forsook his standard. Escape to the Alps was still possible, but 
the slave army refused to go. In the final battle Spartacus was 
slain, and the recaptured slaves in thousands were massacred in 
cold blood. 

We may not trace further the decay of Eome, of which we have 
but seen the beginning, nor dwell upon the brave efforts of Trajan 
and the Antonines to stem the downfall. Eventually, in the fifth 
century a.d., a disunited empire and a succession of barbaric 

MM 513 



Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons. 

invasions, repelled with difficulty, found Eome too feeble to 
withstand the Vandals, who, swarming in from the south, 
conquered the "eternal city," and made burlesques of its sacred 
institutions. Says Gibbon: — 

The decline of Rome was the natural and inevitable effect of immoderate 
greatness. Prosperity ripened the principles of decay; the causes of destruction 
multiplied with the extent of conquest; and as soon as time or accident had 
removed the artificial supports the stupendous fabric yielded to the pressure of 
its own weight. The story of its ruin is simple and obvious; and instead of 
inquiring why the Eoman Empire was destroyed, we should rather be surprised 
that it subsisted so long. 

It may well be argued in justification of the policies of ancient 
empires that no other course had any appeal. The lex talionis, 
even for the greatest thinkers, was the only rational one. The 
right of superior strength was Nature's object-lesson. It might 
even be urged that lower intelligences are not subject to the 
extremes of suffering and emotion that belong to the more 
highly cultured. Moreover, the spread of Christianity was only 
synchronous with the decline of the empire, and the education of 
conscience in Christian ethics is tardy. In spite of all, there 
emerges the fact that the humanities cannot be abused with 
impunity, and that what a nation sows it must reap. For us 
to-day, heirs of the ages, many parallels and many dissimilarities 
between old and new appear. It would be foolish to deny that 
Rome gave much to the world. So did Babylon. But the best 
that Eome gave was her laws, her language, and her literature, 
and these were not contingent upon her imperialism. Her iron 
hand in conquered lands must have crushed down far more than 
it lifted. Her military roads are among the few useful legacies 
that her material power has left us, and we may wisely ponder 
the lesson that ** 'the things that are most excellent' have no 
dependence on mere material magnitude." Finally, we may 
learn that divided interests in a state tend to disaster, and wealth 
and luxury founded upon injustice must eventuate in ruin. If 
we still deplore ignorance and apathy, deplore reactions into a 
wild, unreasoning war spirit, the vox populi is growing louder, more 
intelligent, and more insistent, and gives promise of emancipation 
from the thraldom of militarism and plutocracy. 



514 



The Cost of Living: 

The Co-operative Movement and its Mission. 



BY H. CLEMENT GRAY. 



Introduction. 

THE subject embraced by the title of this article is so wide, 
so far-reaching, and the possibilities so great, that to do 
full justice to it would necessitate the writing of a book. 
In a comparatively short article, such as this must necessarily be, 
one must be brief and to the point, and yet, at the same time, 
endeavour to include as much useful matter as possible in the 
limited space at one's disposal. 

The writer of an article of this nature cannot, and does not, 
claim to cover all the ground, but he can indicate the lines upon 
which he thinks this great co-operative movement might proceed 
in order that the consumer may reap to the full the advantages to 
be derived from combination. 

The continuous rise in the prices of commodities, more 
particularly in relation to those articles which are in every-day 
use, and the methods which might be adopted as a means of 
counteracting the effect which such increase has upon the working 
classes is a matter which should receive the most careful 
consideration of those who form part of the co-operative 
community. The co-operative movement, with all its immense 
purchasing power, does not appear to have that controlling 
influence in regard to the fixing of prices which, by the magnitude 
of its trade, it ought to have, and it is the aim of this article to 
point out a way whereby this may be accomplished. 

Without further preliminaries I propose to go straight to the 
heart of the subject, and, to avoid possible confusion, to divide 
the paper into two parts. In the first part I shall show how 
prices have increased during recent years, and point out some of 
the principal causes which have brought about this increase; and, 
in the second part., endeavour to suggest a remedy by means of 
which, through collective trading, the consumer may work out 
his own salvation. 

I. The Increased Cost of Living. 

During recent years prices — and we will deal more particularly 
with the price of foodstuffs as more nearly affecting us as consumers 
— have steadily been rising. One has only to refer to the report 
published by the Board of Trade to find that meat, bacon, flour, 

$16 



The Cost of Living. 

bread, coal, wearing apparel, and rent have increased to a great 
extent during the last decade. The report is interesting reading, 
but one is appalled to find that during the fifteen years from 1896 
to 1912 retail food supplies rose about 25 per cent., which is 5s. 
in the £. 

The Board of Trade special inquiry, however, deals more 
particularly with the period from 1905 to 1912, and extends to 
the conditions existing in eighty-eight towns. It shows that the 
cost of living, as represented by rents (including rates) and the 
retail prices of the selected articles of food and coal, was between 
11 and 12 per cent, higher in London than in the other eighty- 
seven towns investigated, taken as a whole. In this respect the 
Scottish towns come next, and at the other end of the scale are 
the towns in the Midlands, in which both rents and prices were 
at a low average comparatively. With the exception of a few 
towns, notably Coventry and Macclesfield, rents show little increase 
over 1905. In London rents have fallen by about 4 per cent., 
although they still remain much higher for the same accommodation 
than in any other town in this country. The general level of 
prices of food and coal in the different towns showed a greater 
degree of uniformity than rents. The amount of the advance 
between October, 1905, and October, 1912, has, however, been 
much greater in some towns than in others, varying from 7 per 
cent, at Portsmouth to 20 per cent, at Stockport. The percentage 
changes between 1905 and 1912 in the eighty-eight towns where 
inquiry has been made are as follows: — 

Increase per cent. 

Rents 1-8 

Retail Prices of Food and Coal 13'7 

Rents and Retail Prices Combined 11'3 

These figures relate only to rents (including rates) and the retail 
prices of the principal articles of food and coal. 

An attempt was made to ascertain the course of prices of 
clothing during the years referred to, but this part of the inquiry 
was beset with special difficulties. From the information obtained, 
however, the conclusion was arrived at that there had been a rise 
in the cost of clothing, probably not much less in proportion than 
that of food and clothing combined, the rise taking the form either 
of increased price or of inferior quality. The general result of the 
inquiry shows that while rents have on the average changed very 
little in the seven years under review, the retail prices of articles 
of workmen's consumption have greatly increased during the same 
period, and that probably the average increase during the period 
in the cost of workmen's rent, food, fuel, and clothing taken 
together may be put at about 10 per cent., or 2s. in the £.* 

How hardly this hits the low wage-earner, where every shilling 
is of vital importance, may be imagined. 

* Board of Trade Labour Gazette. 
516 



The Cost of Living. 

In an excellent series of articles which appeared in the Daily 
News some time ago, Mr. Chiozza Money gives the following table 
as to how wages and prices have moved in the period embraced by 
the years from 1895 to 1910, viz. : — 



Year. 



Wages 
Index Number. 



Wholesale Prices 
Index Number. 



London 

Petail Prices 
Index Number. 



1895 




89-1 
89-9 
90-8 
93-2 


910 
88-2 
901 
93-2 


93-2 


1896 




92-0 


1897 




96-2 


1898 




100-8 


1899 




95-4 


923 


96-4 


1900 




1000 
991 


1000 
96-9 


100-0 


1901 




101-9 


1902 




97-8 


96-6 


101-6 


1903 




97-2 


96-9 


103-2 


1904 




96-7 


98-3 


104-3 


1905 




97-0 


97-6 


103-7 


1906 




98-4 


100-5 


103-2 


1907 




101-8 


106-7 


105-8 


1908 




101-2 


102-8 


108-4 


1909 




100-0 


1040 


108-2 


1910 




100-2 


108-8 


109-9 






Inc. per cent. 


Inc. per cent. 


Inc. per cent. 


Movement in 


15 years ... 


12-4 


19-5 


17-9 



Mr. Chiozza Money comments on these figures as follows : — 
The first column, taking the year 1900 as a standard, shows the wages of 
the other years named expressed as a percentage of those of 1900 for the 
foUowmg group of trades : building, coal-mining, engineering, textile trades, 
and agriculture. The second column shows in similar fashion the movement of 
wholesale prices. The third column shows the movement of London retail 
food prices. It will be seen that in fifteen years, while wages have risen 
little more than 12 per cent., food prices have risen by nearly 18 per cent., 
which means that real wages have actually fallen in the last fifteen years. 
Next observe what has happened since 1900. In that period wages have been 
ahnost stationary, while prices have advanced about 10 per cent. 

Let US pause for one moment and compare the position of the 
worker in the year 1905 with the year 1912. We can only take 
the figures relating to the trades selected for the Board of Trade 
inquiry, but they will serve as an illustration. We have seen 
that the cost of living has during the past seven years increased by 
10 per cent., i.e., 2s. in the £. On the other hand, the following 
are the mean percentages of advances in wages in the specified 
trades, viz. : — 

Skilled. Unskilled. 

Bmlding 1-9 26 

Engineering 5'5 3*9 

Compositors 4'1 — 

These percentages are the average rates of increase. In some 
towns the increase has been greater than in others, and again in 

517 



• The Cost of Living. 

some districts there has been no change at all. It will be seen, 
however, that in no case does the advance in wages compensate 
the increase in the cost of living. This proves conclusively that 
the workman is in a worse position now than he was in 1905. 

An interesting piece of evidence as to the increase in the 
cost of living has been pubHshed by the Co-operative Wholesale 
Society, which has worked out an average weekly family order on 
various dates from 1898 to 1913. The average order consists of 
lib. of bacon, 21bs. of butter, -^Ib. of cheese, 121bs. of flour, ^Ib. 
of lard, lib. of meal, 41bs. of sugar, ^Ib. of tea. The prices are 
calculated on a wholesale basis, but the rise in retail prices of 
these articles has been on the whole quite as great as in the 
wholesale rates. It is calculated that the above goods cost the 
purchaser as follows on the dates named, viz, : — 

Year. Pence. 

1898 63-85 

1906 67-28 

1908 70-21 

1910 72-38 

1911 71-00 

1912 74-28 

1913 72-54 

This shows an increased cost for 1906 over 1898 of 537 per 
cent., 1908 over 1898 of 9'95 per cent., 1910 over 1898 of 13-36 
per cent., 1911 over 1898 of 11'20 per cent., 1912 over 1898 of 
16*33 per cent., and a decrease for 1913 on 1912 of 2'46 per cent. 
At the time of writing the figures for 1914 are not yet published, 
but by the courtesy of the O.W.S. I am able to give a comparison 
between the years ended June, 1913, and June, 1914, which is 
the latest information available. From these figures it would 
appear that the slight decrease in cost which took place in 1913 is 
likely to be repeated in 1914. The cost of the 21|lbs. of goods 
previously referred to for the year ended June, 1913, was 73'08 
pence, whereas the same articles could be purchased during the 
year ended June, 1914, for 71*36 pence, a decrease of 1*72 pence, 
or 2*40 per cent., when compared with the year previous. The 
average price of coal also has considerably increased. The following 
are the average prices of coal at the pit mouth : — 



1906. 



1908. 



1910. 



1911. 



1912. 



1913, 



Per ton. 
S. d, 

9 IH 



Per ton. 

s. d. 
10 9 



Per ton. 

s. d. 
13 3 



Per ton. 

s. d. 
13 3 



Per ton. 

s. d. 
13 3 



Per ton. 
S. d. 
14 9 



Per ton. 
s. d. 
15 9 



showing an increased cost for 1906 over 1898 of 7'95 per cent., 
1908, 1910, and 1911 over 1898 of 33*05 per cent., 1912 over 
1898 of 48*12 per cent., and 1913 over 1898 of 58*16 per cent. 

This statement, coming from such a source, shows at a glance 
how and to what extent the increase in prices has affected the 

518 



The Cost of Living. 

working-class consumer, as the bulk of the trade done by the 
co-operative movement is with the working classes. 

The increased cost of living is not confined to this country 
alone ; in fact, in most other countries of which we have statistics 
the rise has been greater than with ug. All available statistics go 
to prove that this tendency to advance prices is world-wide and 
general, and is not confined to any particular country or to any 
particular commodity. The causes for this increase are many and 
varied. 

GOLD PRODUCTION. 

The increase in the output of gold is one of the theories advanced 
by. those who have made a study of the question, although in the 
opinion of some experts this is not the dominating factor which it 
is popularly supposed to be. The following figures, extracted 
from The Statist, relating to the world's gold production will be 
interesting, viz. :— £ £ 



1860 23,850,000 

1865 24,040,000 

1870 :. 21,370,000 

1875 22,700,000 

1880 22,130,000 

1885 21,250,000 



1890 ............ 24,260,000 

1895 :.... 40,842,000 

1900 52,311,000 

1905 78,143,000 

1910 96,225,000 

1913 ♦94,720,000 



•Preliminary estimate. 

It will be seen from these figures that since the year 1895 
the output of gold has increased from £40,842,000 to £94,720,000 
annually. When we take into account that since 1896 prices have 
been continually on the upward grade, it seems reasonable to 
suggest that the gold supply, seeing that our prices are measured 
in gold, has some bearing on the subject, as the cheaper money is 
(gold being the standard of currency generally adopted) the higher 
in price are those articles which money will purchase. Gold 
production has increased enormously, with consequent depreciation 
in its value as a purchasing medium. Not only gold, but the 
increase in paper money, such as cheques, bills of exchange, and 
other means of credit, must be taken into account in arriving at 
the total value of the currency and its effect on prices. However, 
it would be absurd to make the statement that the increase in the 
gold supply is responsible for the whole, or even the main part, of 
the recent rise in prices, for this reason, that although the cost of 
almost every commodity has risen to some extent there is a great 
variation in the amount of the rise. If the gold supply were the 
dominant factor, then it would follow that there would be an 
all-round rise of practically equal proportions, which is not the 
case. 

In regard to the effect of currency on prices, the increase in 
the volume of trade has also to be reckoned with, as this of course 
tends to counteract its effect. The volume of trade has of course 
greatly increased, and a large proportion of the increased currency 

619 



The Cost of Living. 

has been required to cope with it. Then, again, other countries 
have recently adopted the gold standard of currency, and the 
consequent absorption of gold in the development of new countries 
helps to counteract the influence of the increase in production of 
that commodity on prices. The increase in gold and credits 
certainly appears to be one of the causes of increased prices, 
although to what extent cannot be definitely stated ; but there are 
numerous other causes at work which have to be carefully 
considered in order to arrive at a proper understanding of the 
question. For instance, 

INCREASED CONSUMPTION 

owing to, the advance of civilisation, and the adoption of Western 
standards of ideas and method of living in the East. The Eastern 
races are waking up, and are no longer satisfied with what 
sufficed for their forefathers. Articles of food which, until 
recently, they had no use for are now being imported in large 
quantities. Their imports of cotton, leather, and other goods are 
also largely on the increase, and with their immense population 
this fact is bound to have an effect upon the prices of those articles, 
and as the price of one commodity is so closely bound up with the 
price of another, the result is a general increase all round. 
Machinery is being imported in large quantities into India, China, 
and Japan. Factories are being established in these and other 
countries. Machinery is being laid down in order that they may 
manufacture their own requirements. Hence there will be a greater 
demand for raw material, which, unless such raw material is 
produced in greater quantity, will naturally enhance the price. 
Then, of course, there is the 

INCREASE IN WAGES 

to take into account. This is bound to react on prices. As the 
result of a strike, or from other causes, an employer increases the 
wages of his employes, but in the majority of cases this increase, 
although he is compelled to pay it, does not come out of the 
employer's own pocket. He immediately puts up the price of the 
particular commodity which he manufactures, as, of course, when 
costing the article he always takes into consideration the expense 
he has been put to in producing that article, and the amount paid 
in wages is included in the cost of production; therefore, as prices 
react upon the prices of other articles, the consumer has to pay in 
the long run. Moreover, the manufacturer will not be content with 
merely increasing the price of the article he produces by just the 
proportionate amount of the increase in wages which he has to 
pay; he will, and probably does, put on a little more to compensate 
himself for the trouble to which he has been put. It can be seen 
at once what an anomalous position the worker is in. The worker 
is also the consumer, but sometimes he apparently does not realise 

520 



The Cost of Living. 

this; and, although he obtains an increase in his wages, he derives 
httle or no benefit therefrom, because the spending power of his 
wages being decreased owing to the advance in prices consequent 
upon increased wages, the benefit of the increase is taken from him 
in his capacity as consumer. It is simply a case of giving with the 
one hand and taking away with the other. And so it goes on. The 
worker is exploited by the capitalist in every way, but in the main 
he either cannot see it or the spirit of laissez faire has so got hold of 
him that he is not inclined to trouble his head about the matter. It 
is for the worker to wake up and realise his responsibilities. He 
must combine as consumer also, and get into his own hands the 
•control of production and the sources of supply before he can 
hope to obtain a fair share of the wealth he helps to creat^e. Then 
we have the law of 

SUPPLY AND DEMAND. 

Upon the extent of production of a particular commodity 
depends the price of that commodity, and not only that, but the 
price of other commodities as well. Take, for instance, bacon. 
It is a well-known fact that in America the farmers restrict the 
breeding of pigs according to the maize crop. If the maize crop 
is poor the breeding of pigs is limited, and consequently bacon, 
ham, and other hog products are dearer. Following upon this 
point, if we study the question minutely we find, the various 
commodities being closely interwoven one with another, that any 
variation in the price of one affects the others to a certain extent. 
We have only to refer back to the coal strike of 1911 to find an 
illustration of this fact. Owing to the shortage of coal due to the 
strike, manufacturers who depended upon that commodity in the 
process of manufacture increased their prices to make up for the 
additional expense of production, and, as a result, so closely 
connected are the things necessary to life, abnormal prices ruled 
for a time even for commodities which at first sight would appear 
to be as far removed from coal as are the two poles asunder. 
The restricted transport facilities due to the shortage of coal also 
had an effect in increasing the prices of commodities owing to the 
increase of demand over supply. 

The United States has in the past exported large quantities of 
foodstuffs to this and other European countries, but our supplies 
from this source are gradually diminishing, the wheat exported 
from that country in 1910 being 87 million bushels, as compared 
with 235 million in 1902. Corn exports show a similar decline, 
the total for 1910 being but 38 million bushels, which is less than 
at any time in the last dozen years except 1902 and 1909. Exports 
of meats and food animals show an equally marked decline, those 
of meat and dairy products having been in 1910 but 131 million 
dollars, against 211 million in 1906, and those of cattle 12 million 
dollars, against 42 million dollars in 1906. 

521 



The Cost of Living. 

• As regards the supply of wheat, we are not altogether dependent 
upon the United States. A great amount of wheat is grown in 
Eussia, France, India, and other countries; but as regards corn, 
four-fifths of the world's produce is grown in the States. The 
following tables relating to the world's production of wheat and 
corn will show the position at a glance: — 

WHEAT. 





Area. 


Production. 




1913. 


1912. 


1913. 


1912. 


United States .... 
Russia in Eiu-ope 
Russia in Asia . . . 
France 


Acres. 
50,184,000 
62,070,000 
13,103,000 
16,170,000 
11,015,000 
29,569,000 
11,842,000 

4,878,000 

1,790,000 


Acres. 
45,814,000 
60,666,000 
10,729,000 
16,239,000 
10,997,000 
31,141,000 
11,761,000 

4,759,000 

1,971,000 


Bushels. 
763,380,000 
837,787,000 
138,003,000 
322,731,000 
231,717,000 
358,389,000 
214,407,000 
171,077,000 

66,691,000 
103,776,000 
144,000,000 


Bushels. 
730,267,000 
623,761,000 
103,270,000 
334,342,000 


Canada 

India 


224,159,000 
370,514,000 


Italy.... 


166,721,000 




160,226,000 


Great Britain 

and Ireland 


67,402,000 
89,232,000 


Argentina 


198,400,000 






Totals 


*200,621,000 
♦30,689,000 


194,067,000 
33,608,000 


3,341,958,000 
578,746,000 


3,067,294,000 


Total other 

Countries 


612,858,000 


World's Total .... 


♦231,310,000 


227,675,000 


3,920,704,000 


3,670,152,000 



* These figures do not represent the total acreage under wheat, as some 
of the countries have not made a return of the acreage to the Internationa) 
Agricultural Institute, from whose report these figures are culled. 

CORN. 





Area. 


Production. 




1913. 


1912. 


1913. 


1912. 


United States .... 
Hunsrarv 


Acres. 
106,820,000 
6,422,000 
3,954,000 
5,305,000 
4,216,000 
1,696,000 


Acres. 
107,083,000 
6,023,000 
3,938,000 
5,138,000 
4,054,000 
1,668,000 


Bushels. 

2,446,988,000 

184,755,000 

108,263,000 

118,105,000 

72,796,000 

67,574,000 


Bushels. 
3,124,746,000 
176,695,000 


Italy 


98,669,000 


Roumania 


111,012,000 


Russia 


79,607,000 




60,858,000 






Totals 

Total other 

Countries 


127,412,000 
2,313,000 


127,904,000 
2,406,000 


2,988,480,000 
69,107,000 


3,651,587,000 
61,643,000 


World's Total .... 


129,726,000 


130,310,000 


3,047,587,000 


3,713,130,000 



522 



The Cost of Living. 

The population of the large cities and manufacturing centres 
of America has increased to an enormous extent during recent 
years, and the production of foodstuffs in that country has not 
kept pace with this increase. The population of America is now 
over 100 millions, and the percentage of non-producers, as far as 
foodstuffs are concerned, is much larger than it was, and is 
continually increasing. The agricultural returns do not show a 
corresponding expansion, hence the quantity available for 
exportation grows less and less each year. 

During the past few years there has been great prosperity in 
America, and the people of that country — like the people here — 
have acquired a higher standard of living, and consume more 
flesh meat than formerly. The consumption of meat has increased 
enormously, and this fact has caused prices to rise considerably, 
and a demand has been created for pork, &c., out of all proportion 
to what it was. Then the packer finds he can get a very high 
price in America, and unless he can get a correspondingly high 
price in this country he finds it better to sell his products at home, 
and cuts down our supplies accordingly. As a matter of fact, the 
quantity of hog products exported from America is about half of 
what it was twenty-five years ago, and her exports of cheese and 
butter are practically nil. 

It may be taken for panted that in the future the United 
Kingdom will be no more able to rely upon America for beef than 
she can for wheat. 

Mr. 0. P. Austin, of the U.S.A. Bureau of Labour and 
Commerce, attributes the advance in prices of meats to the 
great corporations which slaughter and prepare for use the bulk 
of the food animals, and also to the partial transformation of the 
great stock ranges of the West into farms, and the consequent 
transfer of the hve stock industry from the range to the farm, 
which has increased the cost of production of the marketable food 
animal simultaneously with a reduction in the available supply of 
such animals. 

At present we have to rely chiefly upon Denmark for our 
supplies of bacon, eggs, and butter, but when we consider the 
rapidly increasing population of other European countries, we 
are bound to come to the conclusion that eventually we shall 
have to look elsewhere. From Canada we used formerly to 
obtain considerable quantities of bacon and butter; now she uses 
all her own butter, practically all her production of bacon, 
and although at the present time she is able to send us a 
considerable quantity of cheese, this is a diminishing quantity, 
and the chances are that within the next ten years or so Canada will 
not ship any dairy produce to this country. This can hardly be 
surprising when we take into account the enormous number of 



The Cost of Living. 

people of all nationalities who are emigrating to that country every 
year. Of course, Australia and New Zealand are dairy countries, 
and steps are being taken in both colonies to increase the output of 
dairy produce. 

There is a great opportunity for Ireland in this direction if 
only a definite policy could be settled in that country. We have 
seen what has happened in Denmark within such an incredibly 
short space of time by means of organised agriculture. The 
conditions there were not so favourable as they are in Ireland, 
the land was not so fertile, nor did they possess the natural 
advantages of climate, &c., which Ireland has; yet by perseverance 
and industry the Danes have made themselves the talk of the 
world. Why cannot Ireland, with her splendid fertile soil and all 
her other natural advantages which are there already to hand, 
emulate Denmark in this respect ? It is to be hoped the Irish farmer 
will find it to his advantage to look the question seriously in the 
face, and that strenuous efforts will be put forth to endeavour to 
make the Emerald Isle the agricultural country which it was by its 
natural advantages intended to be. The Irish farmer has, of course, 
been considerably handicapped in the past owing to want of 
capital and to other conditions, but, with the help of the 
development grant, which has been instituted by a wise 
Government for the organisation of the agricultural industry, 
and with the assistance of the credit societies which are already in 
existence and which are now being established, let us hope a 
brighter dawn is breaking. If by this means the rural depopulation 
of Ireland caused by emigration can be checked, by finding work, 
under proper conditions, for the agricultural labourer, who can 
say what a glorious future is in store for that country ? 

Cereals, such as wheat, oats, meal, &c., could not of course 
be grown in the British Isles in quantities large enough to feed 
the millions of people in this country, and for these necessaries 
we are bound to depend to a large extent upon outside assistance. 
The rise in these commodities has been largely brought about by 
increased consumption, which in turn is the result of the rise in 
the standard of life in all civilised countries. There is a greater 
demand upon the limited supplies available, as the increased area 
of the wheat fields of the world has not kept pace with the world's 
consumption of wheat. The higher standard of life which has 
been set up has resulted in an increased demand, not only for 
what are commonly looked upon as necessaries alone, but for 
what previously were considered luxuries. Wealth has in recent 
years increased rapidly. The trade boom which has been 
experienced during the past few years has been responsible for 
the circulation of an enormous amount of money, and of course 
has created larger ideas in the minds of those who have enjoyed 
what might be called unaccustomed wealth for the time. This 
has its effect on prices, but the ideas created still remain. 

524 



The Cost of Living. 

Another factor which has to be taken into consideration in 
studying the question is the 

NON-PRODUCING CONSUMER. 

A far greater proportion of the community is engaged in the 
distribution or sale of goods than in their production. These 
people are the link between the producer and the consumer, and 
each has to take his toll before the goods arrive at their natural 
destination. It is surprising through how many hands, under our 
present competitive system, an article has to pass before it reaches 
the customer who buys it retail from the shop. In foodstuffs 
especially this applies, as there are so many merchants, 
agents, and commercial travellers who make their living by the 
commissions they draw from handling these goods. AU these 
commissions, of course, add to the price of the goods. Then, 
again, these people, together with other non-producing members 
of the community, have all to be fed, housed, and clothed, and, 
although they do not produce anything, their demands for the 
necessaries of life must have an effect in forcing up prices. Then 
take the question of 

ADVERTISING. 

Large sums of money are spent annually in this respect. 
Nowadays, advertisements are not the crude compositions and 
designs to which we were formerly accustomed. The showcards 
which are distributed by large firms, the posters one sees on the 
hoardings, are works of art, produced at enormous expense, each 
finn or company endeavouring to outvie the others in order to 
attract special attention to its own productions. Fabulous sums 
are asked and given for spaces on the hoardings, and there is a 
rush to get the best, and, of course, most expensive positions. 
One firm alone has spent more than one million pounds in thus 
bringing its productions before the public, and attributes its 
success to its enterprise in this direction. This is, of course, the 
result of competition. There is a tremendous waste here, but, being 
one of the expenses of production, the cost is added to the price 
of the goods. From the point of view of the consumer, surely 
it would be better that the money spent in this manner should be 
otherwise employed in helping to reduce the cost of the articles 
in question. 

INCREASE IN ARMAMENTS. 

Here is another, and a serious, factor in the rise in prices. 
Year by year an increasing amount of money is spent in maintaining 
and multiplying the fighting machines of the world. The soldier 
and the sailor, however useful they may be in keeping the peace 
between nations, are non-producers, but at the same time they 
must be kept. National jealousies are so strong that in European 
countries especially an increasing number of able-bodied men are 

525 



The Cost of Living. 

being withdrawn from the community of workers in order that 
they may join the Army or the Navy. This fact alone, whereby 
they become consumers instead of producers, increases the demand 
in relation to the supply, thus helping to raise prices; but 
another serious factor is the enormous waste of money involved 
in manufacturing arms and ammunition, Dreadnoughts and the 
like, which each country is compelled to do in order to keep pace 
with the others. Notwithstanding all the efforts which have been 
made to come to some arrangement whereby this waste might be 
curtailed, money is being spent in this direction more rapidly 
than ever. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a speech which 
he delivered on July 15th, 1910, stated: — 

The countries of the world are spending annually 450 millions of pounds 
upon this machinery of destruction. In twenty years there has been an 
increase of 200 millions per annum on this expenditure. All nations seem to 
be infected with an epidemic of prodigality in that respect which seems to be 
sweeping over the world, and sweeping to destruction. We take the lead in 
that expenditure. After all, we have the greatest Empire to defend, and we 
have got that excuse. But if the nations go on increasingly spending their 
money upon matters which give neither assistance nor support to their people 
on the road that leads to the highest civilisation they will inevitably suffer. 

The fact that the money thus spent is raised by taxation in 
itself increases prices, because it is taken from its legitimate 
channel, i.e., trade, where it could be more usefully and profitably 
employed, and practically thrown away, because as fast as these 
weapons and munitions of war are manufactured, and battleships, 
&c., are built, new improvements are introduced which render 
them obsolete, and entail increased expenditure upon others which 
are more up to date. Competition between nations is becoming 
daily more keen, and the amount spent on these engines of 
destruction increases every year. The consumer, whose only 
desire is to live in peace, has to pay the piper, since the amount 
of taxation he is called upon to bear in order that these things may 
be provided reduces his power of purchasing those commodities 
which are necessary to him. 

It is estimated that since the year 1898 the Spanish-American 
War, the South African War, and the Eusso-Japanese War cost 
about £900,000,000. Consumption during the continuance of 
these wars was naturally increased, and, in proportion to the 
population, production was considerably curtailed, the result being 
a great increase in demand in proportion to the supply, 
consequently a marked advance in the price of commodities. 

We often hear it said that co-operation knows no frontiers. 
Surely, as the spirit of the movement spreads, the time will come 
when the workers of all countries will come to know each other, 
not as foes but as brothers, and will realise that the money which 
has been blindly thrown away in the past can be better and more 
profitably utilised in the future in alleviating the sufferings of 
common humanity. 

526 



The Cost of Living, 

TRUSTS AND COMBINES - 

No article of this description would be complete without a 
reference to the huge trusts and syndicates which, by retarding 
the supphes of commodities over which they have control, force 
up the prices to the consumer. It is impossible for trusts to 
develop in this country to the same extent as in those countries 
where they are fostered by high tariff walls ; but even here we have 
huge combinations of capital dealing with cotton, iron and steel, 
wallpaper, and other industries. Trusts, as is well known, operate 
more largely in the United States of America than in any other 
country, and there they are greatly helped by the tariffs. The 
object of the trust is to eliminate competition for its own benefit. 
Competition, especially foreign competition, means lowering of 
prices, and where there is competition the manufacturer does not, 
of course, make the same profit out of the buyer as is the case 
where he has a monopoly. Consequently we find an industry 
which is not successful complains of foreign competition, and the 
Government places a tariff upon the foreign article in order that 
the home manufacturer may have the pull. The knowledge that 
the industry is safeguarded encourages other producers to enter 
the field. There is fierce home competition for a time, then the 
producers find that if they come to terms they will have full 
control of the output of that particular commodity and of the 
fixing of prices. This is the origin of the trust, hence "the tariff 
of an artificial limitation of the field of competition, and by an 
equally artificial stimulation of the industry doubly encourages 
trusts."* 

The modern trust has been defined in general terms as **an 
arrangement for the control of several companies under one 
direction to cheapen expenses, regulate production, and beat down 
competition." This proves in itself that the trust is the outcome 
of modern industrial conditions. Monopoly itself is no new thing, 
for we find that in the Middle Ages there existed "gilds" in the 
various towns which had control of buying and selling. Even in 
those days we find that men had begun to combine for economic 
ends. In 1634 Charles I., believing that it would stimulate business 
and improve the quality of goods, granted the sole right to deal 
in certain articles to companies formed for the purpose These 
companies were enabled to dictate to the public the price of the 
articles included in their patent, and restrain at their pleasure their 
manufacture or sale. 

These monopolies were, however, in comparison with present- 
day methods, very much restricted. They were before the days 
of modern capitalism with its attendant evils. The advent of 
machinery has completely revolutionised the industrial world, 
and has greatly increased the rate and volume of production. 

* Hirst, The Story of the Trusts. 

527 



The Cost of Living. 

Machinery grows more elaborate and more expensive year by year, 
new inventions are constantly coming to the front which enable 
the work to be done in a more efficient manner. In order to keep 
up to date as regards increased production the old machinery is 
done away with and the new installed in its place. In most 
industries there are highly specialised machines to perform various 
minor operations. These depreciate rapidly, so that only a large 
business, with a great amount of capital, can afford to use them. 
With a large business, too, the materials can be bought in 
bulk, and therefore more cheaply. Hence with these and other 
advantages, such as shipping and transport facilities, there has 
been during the last century, and is now, a tendency to growth 
in the size of businesses, and to concentration and production on 
a large scale. The tendency towards combination is strongest in 
those trades which provide the necessaries and comforts of life 
for the bulk of the people. A well-known instance is the Beef 
Trust of America, in which several large Chicago firms have 
practically controlled wholesale and retail prices of beef and cattle 
over most of the United States. 

During the laSt twenty years or so combination am.ong 
producers has increased very rapidly, and the control of the world's 
goods has gradually been getting into the hands of the few. 
Where previously there were several firms producing the same 
class of- goods we now find a huge combination, with a central 
body controlling these firms, eliminating competition and the 
necessity for cutting prices and regulating production. The trust 
certainly does away with a great amount of waste, but the increased 
profits resulting therefrom go to line the pockets of the comparative 
few who form the trust. 

As has been previously stated, the home of the trust proper 
is in America. There we have trusts on a very large scale indeed. 
The tendency towards combination in that country commenced 
about 1860 with the formation of pools, which, however, were 
short-lived, and generally collapsed after they had exacted high 
prices for a few months. The first real trust was the Standard 
Oil Company, of Ohio, which was formed in 1882. In this case 
the trustees held in their own hands the voting power of all the 
constituent corporations, and thus prevented all competition 
between them. This trust was so successful in its operations that 
others soon followed its lead, notably in the whisky, sugar, 
tobacco, and iron and steel trades, and, although anti-trust laws 
have been passed in most of the states, they still carry on business 
under constitutions altered to the minimum extent necessary to 
avoid bringing them within reach of the law. 

Apart from the trusts, there are other methods of inflating 
prices, viz. : Price associations, corners, and pools. Price 
associations are brought into being for the purpose of fixing price 

628 



The Cost of Living. 

lists, and sometimes for regulating output. They are generally- 
local, and are usually formed between persons in the same class 
of trade or manufacture. A corner is purely speculative and 
temporary in character, and is an attempt to control all the 
immediate sources of supply to a market, and to exact high prices 
from the buyer. Any commodity may be "cornered" — food, 
metals, raw material, &c. — but a corner is merely a temporary 
withholding of supplies for the purpose of exacting high prices 
for the time being. There is nothing of a permanent nature about 
it. The formation of pools is another method adopted for curtailing 
wasteful expenditure in certain trades, controlling production, and 
fixing prices. 

As already pointed out, the fact that Britain has no 
protective tariff prevents the establishment of trusts operating 
in the same manner as pertains in America. This fact does 
not prevent monopolies, or the formation of large capitalistic 
combinations, but it does to a great extent prevent siich combinations 
obtaining monopoly prices, as owing to our Free Trade policy 
foreign competition has to be reckoned with. The tendency 
towards industrial combination in England is largely necessitated 
by the requirements of modern industry. These combinations are 
of two kinds, i.e., horizontal and vertical. The horizontal type 
came into being as a result of several firms operating in the same 
branch of industry in a particular district finding themselves unable 
to maintain prices on account of the keen competition betw^een 
them. In order to safeguard themselves and their particular branch 
of trade they combined or amalgamated into one huge concern, 
which controls production and regulates prices. By this means 
competition in the same market is done away with, the cost of 
production is considerably lessened, and other economies are 
effected. 

*' Vertical" combinations are somewhat different in character. 
Such combinations commence their operations at the very source, 
or as near as possible to the source of supply, and control 
production of the, article from the raw material to the finished 
product. These combinations are at present mainly confined to 
the iron and steel trades, but the tendency is spreading to other 
trades, as, for instance, the Fine Cotton Spinners and Doublers' 
Association Ltd., which owns and works its own coal-mines, so 
that it shall not be dependent upon the market for the wherewithal 
to run its machinery. A large firm of soapmakers has acquired 
oil mills and copra fat supplies in various parts of the world in 
order to secure its supplies of raw material, and so absorb 
intermediate profits. Also the paper and printing enterprises 
have secured lumber forests and pulping mills so as to ensure 
their supplies of paper. Under modern conditions it is necessary 
that the various processes in certain branches of the iron and steel 

NN 529 



The Cost of Living. 

industries should be carried on as far as possible under combined 
or concentrated management. The various branches of the industry- 
have therefore combined forces, each plant becoming a co-operating 
link in the unbroken chain from the raw material to the finished 
article, the intermediate profits being treated as a final profit on 
the finished product. As an instance of this, I might mention 
Messrs. John Brown and Company Ltd., of Sheffield. This firm 
is a striking example of the advantages accruing from "vertical" 
combination. It owns extensive iron ore mines in Spain, 
Lincolnshire, and Northamptonshire, and several collieries within 
a few miles of its Sheffield works; it has its own blast furnaces 
for producing steel, &c. ; and is connected with the Clydebank 
Engineering and Shipbuilding Co. Ltd. and Messrs. Thomas Firth 
and Sons Ltd. , which is one of the finest firms in the world for the 
manufacture of ordnance and projectiles. The firm has also large 
interests in Harland and Wolff, of Belfast, shipbuilders and 
engineers, and is in a position to build and equip throughout, 
without the assistance of outside firms, the largest battleship or 
the fastest liner. The company is in the front rank of shipbuilders, 
having recently built that triumph of modern engineering the 
Aquitania, which is without doubt the finest vessel ever launched 
in these islands. There are several other instances of "vertical" 
combinations, all of which illustrate "the tendency towards the 
extension of activities and the acquisition of a complete vertical 
organisation of production which has resulted from the definite and 
deliberate combination — vertically — of firms engaged at different, 
though connected, branches of the industries."* 

By a study of this present-day tendency towards industrial 
combination, some useful lessons may be learned which could be 
applied with advantage to the co-operative movement, and I 
propose to refer to the matter again in the second part of this 
paper. Before, however, concluding the first part, I would like 
to make a passing reference to the multiple shop, which is one 
of the greatest competitors the movement has to meet. Here, 
again, the tendency towards centralisation is very marked. All 
these companies work on the same plan, i.e., to establish as 
many retail shops as possible in the various towns and villages, all 
of which are worked from the central depot or headquarters, the 
goods being purchased in bulk and distributed to the various 
branches for sale to the public. By the large quantities they are 
enabled to purchase in order to supply their various shops they 
are in a position to obtain their supplies at a cheaper rate, and 
are thus able to cut prices until they have worked up a trade. 
When they go into a new district they can afford to undersell other 
traders for a time until they have secured a connection, as the 
profits they make in other districts will more than outweigh any 

* Carter, The Tendency Towards Industrial CombinatioJi. 
530 



The Cost of Living. 

loss they may sustain in one. In some instances these shops will 
sell several articles at cost price in order to attract customers, and 
at the same time make huge profits out of the sale of articles 
which are either packed or produced by the company itself. Some 
of these companies confine their operations to one or two particular 
commodities, and make a speciality of these. The enormous 
quantities they can buy at a time, and the fact that, in some cases, 
they are the producers of the articles in question, enables them 
to successfully compete with other traders and yet make huge 
profits and pay handsome dividends to their shareholders. One and 
all they have reduced the cost of distribution to a minimum by 
their methods of organisation, and in some cases have realised the 
advantages of manufacturing and producing the goods in which 
they deal in order that the otherwise intermediate profit may find 
its way into their own coffers. This pohcy ensures high dividends 
for the shareholders, which is "the goal at which they aim. The 
consumer, who by his purchases makes these high profits, does not 
benefit at all. It is he who lines the pockets of the shareholders, 
or, in other words, the capitalists, who thus exploit him for their 
own ends. 

I have endeavoured to show in the foregoing pages how, and to 
what extent, prices have increased, and some of the causes therefor. 
In the latter portion I have deviated somewhat from the straight 
path, and have discussed at some length matters which perhaps 
are iiot strictly relevant to the subject-matter of this paper; but 
my reason for so doing was to show how the capitalistic concerns 
have reahsed that, by combination and concentration, they can 
cheapen the cost of production and distribution in order to make 
a better return on the capital invested. All these combinations, 
whether they be trusts, combines, or multiple shops, have but 
one end in view, i.e., to make as much profit as possible for those 
who have found the capital to carry on the business. These profits 
in the end come out of the pocket of the consumer, and it now 
remains to be seen whether or not some of these profits cannot 
be retained by the consumer for himself, and so enable him to 
better the conditions under which he lives. 



II. Co-operation as a Factor in the Fixing of Prices. 

Having shown how the cost of living has increased, we will 
now consider whether there is any remedy for the present state of 
affairs, and, if so, how it is to be applied. We have seen how, 
within recent years, there has been a growing tendency among 
capitalistic concerns to combine for trading and manufacturing 
purposes. So long as we have to rely upon the present capitalistic 
system there would appear to be no likelihood of relief to any 
great extent. The shareholders of these concerns are themselves 

531 



• The Cost of Living. 

capitalists, and, of course, demand the highest possible return for 
their money. This does not tend to any reduction in prices — 
rather the reverse, as the level of prices must be maintained in 
order to pay the dividends. Further, the people who have money 
to invest in these concerns are not those who are hit the hardest 
by the increased cost of living. Their incomes are, for the most 
part, sufficiently large to render them practically independent of 
any ordinary rise, and, moreover, such rise is probably more than 
compensated for by the increased dividends they receive upon the 
capital they have invested. The consumer is exploited on every 
hand. He is entirely at the mercy of those who produce and 
distribute the necessaries of life, who may fix the price from the 
raw material upwards at whatever amount they like. Competition 
has to a certain extent kept the level of prices down, and the 
consumer has been safeguarded; but now the keenness of 
competition is bringing about combination, its retarding effect 
will be gone, and the consumer will probably be in a worse 
position in the future than he is to-day, as the capitalistic 
combinations will have acquired such power as to be able to dictate 
their own terms. Those who suffer the most in this respect are 
the working classes, in whose case every shilling makes the 
difference between comparative comfort and continuous anxiety, 
and the spending power of whose wages is reduced by every 
increase in the price of commodities. It follows, then, that any 
attempt to ameliorate their condition must spring from the working 
classes themselves, and if they could only be brought to understand 
to the full their true position and the immense power they possess, 
in a collective sense, much might be accomplished. One man, 
or even a group of men, here and there working only for their 
own ends, and to satisfy their own immediate needs, can, 
comparatively speaking, do very little; but six million men, with 
a capital of £1 each, are in just as good a position for carrying 
on a business as six men who put £1,000,000 each into a trust. 
But there is this difference : in the one case the profits are divided 
among the six millions, whilst in the other the six add to their 
already great possessions by the profits they make out of the 
consumer. It is only by combination, then, that the consumer 
can do anything at all to improve his condition. There seems, 
however, to be a certain mistrust of combination on a large scale 
for business purposes among the workers — perhaps it is because 
they are so afraid of losing their individuality. If that is the 
case, and they decline to open their eyes to the exigencies of 
modern, conditions, then I am very much afraid they will maintain 
their proud isolation at the expense of their well-being for all 
time. Now is the time to act ; to-morrow may be too late. It 
has already been pointed out that trusts and combines are increasing 
and becoming more and more powerful. Huge businesses are 
the order of the day owing to the fact that great economies are 

532 



I 



The Cost of Living. 

effected thereby. The necessity for reducing the cost of production 
under present-day conditions is becoming more and more apparent, 
hence the tendency of the large combinations to produce their own 
raw material in order to do away with intermediate profits. On 
every hand we find these combinations are taking up concessions 
of land for the purpose of getting as near as possible to the sources 
of supply. Will not this be a powerful weapon in their hands 
when the time comes — and come it will — when the co-operative 
movement will have to fight for its very existence? If all the 
sources of supply are captured by the opponents of the movement, 
could they not dictate to the movement the prices it will have to 
pay? — nay, could they not refuse to supply the movement at all, 
and so crush it for ever? This is not without the bounds 
of possibility. What is to be the position of the co-operative 
movement in the future? Sooner or later, unless strong measures 
are taken to make its position secure, the movement will run a 
serious risk of being crushed to the wall by the forces combined 
against it. Therefore, it behoves those who are responsible for 
the welfare of the movement to guard jealously the heritage which 
has been handed down by those who have gone before. The 
times through which we are moving are as critical to the movement 
as any through which it has passed. Whereas, in the beginning, 
its opponents looked upon it with a sort of tolerant amusement, 
they now realise w^hat a force the movement has become. On all 
sides combinations are being formed to fight it and to arrest its 
progress. As one instance of this I would quote the action of the 
Proprietary Articles Traders' Association, which is insisting that 
co-operative societies shall not sell proprietary articles at the 
same price as other traders, and at the same time pay a dividend 
on the purchases of such articles. Is not this striking at the 
bed-rock principle of co-operation? How can the movement 
defend itself against these attacks? There appears to be but 
one way. The movement itself must manufacture these articles ; 
and as regards the broader question it must get at the sources 
of supply and grow the raw materials for its own factories 
before it is too late; otherwise such sources will be closed to it, 
and it will be compelled to buy in the open market at prohibitive 
prices, or else find the market closed to it altogether. True, the 
C.W.S. recently sent deputations to West Africa and ro Assam, 
and as a result great things may be accomplished; but, in order 
to do real and lasting good, operations must necessarily be on a 
much larger, scale. Concessions of land can be obtained in all 
our colonies, in all climates, suitable for growing all requirements 
so far as the raw material is concerned. Such raw material could 
be used by the movement in its own factories, through all the 
processes of manufacture to the finished article for sale in its 
own shops. Thus the movement might progress until it had made 
itself independent, self-supporting, and self-contained. All this of 

533 



The Cost of Living. 

course requires money, and the question arises: where is the 
necessary capital to be obtained ? A large amount would of course 
be necessary. Even the great Wholesale Societies, with all the 
resources at their command, could not proceed unaided. In the 
last return published by the Go-operative Union we find there 
were in 1913 2,878,648 members of co-operative societies, who 
held collectively £37,275,057 share capital and £5,326,708 loan 
capital, a total capital of £42,601,765, this being an average of 
nearly £15 per member. This seems a small enough amount for 
any member to have at stake, but when one realises that this is. 
only an average, and that a great percentage of members use the 
societies as their sole means of saving, holding £100, £150, and 
£200 share capital, then the holding of some members must be 
very low indeed. I think if a business proposition were put before 
the average co-operator, and he realised to the full the advantages, 
which would accrue to him personally, and to his class generally, 
he would be willing to invest considerably more than the average 
amount above referred to. Then, again, a great deal of money 
belonging to co-operative members is not invested in the movement 
at all, for the reason that the societies cannot make profitable use 
of it. I know of several societies which (although the Industrial 
and Provident Societies Act allows a member to hold up to £200 
in shares) limit the amount which a member may hold to £100, 
£50, and even £25. This tendency seems to be a growing one, 
as societies do not want to pay 5 per cent, or 4 per cent, on 
share capital for which they have no use, and upon which they 
themselves by re-investment can only obtain 3^ per cent. If 
societies, to oblige their members, do accept more money as 
share capital than they can use in trade, it means they have to 
make up the extra percentage over and above the 3^ per cent, 
earned by such capital out of their profits. Where, then, is all 
this money which cannot find profitable investment in the 
co-operative movement going? In the majority of cases it is. 
invested in private enterprises in some form or other, to be used 
as shot and shell by the very people who are opposed to the 
movement. If the co-operative movement is to be successful in 
its endeavours to control prices, this money must be kept within 
the movement, and some means must be devised whereby this 
may be done. It is known without doubt that individual societies, 
cannot make profitable use of the whole available co-operative 
capital. A great many societies are at present overburdened with 
capital. It cannot be used in distribution, therefore it follows it 
must be used in production. The productive societies of the 
movement, in the majority of cases, have more than enough capital 
for their requirements, being simply engaged in manufacturing. 
Their operations do not extend far enough to use such capital in 
the production of the raw and unfinished articles they use in their 
factories. 

534 



The Cost of Living. 

Can it be said that the co-operative movement exercises that 
control over prices which it ought to by reason of its volume of 
trade? I am afraid not. And yet the retail societies distributed 
goods during the year 1913 to the value of £83,615,175. There 
seems to be something lacking when a concern with such a huge 
turnover has to follow in the wake of others, and dare not take the 
initiative and fix prices for itself. The demand for high dividends 
has much to do with the impotency of the movement in this 
direction. It is not possible for prices to be reduced when dividends 
of 3s. and 4s. in the £ have to be maintained. This shuts out from 
the benefits of co-operation a vast multitude of the poorer classes 
to whom the first cost is a considerable item. It is all very well 
for the artisan; he can afford to wait until the end of a quarter 
or half year for the return of his share of the profit in the shape 
of dividend. Not so the poorest; they cannot afford to pay the 
price asked and wait for the dividend. With them it is the first 
cost which counts, and they naturally go to the shop where they 
can buy most cheaply. The benefits of co-operation are thus denied 
to them, and the private trader or multiple shop makes a nice 
profit out of such people. Owing to the high prices in vogue with 
some societies, the private traders are themselves enabled to put 
up their prices, it may be only a small percentage, comparatively 
speaking, but they are thus in a position to make a little more 
profit out of the consumer. This craze for high dividends is 
without doubt one of the reasons why the movement has not more 
control than it has in regard to prices. Moreover, it is not a 
healthy sign, and it militates against the very people for whose 
benefit the movement was founded. The object of the co-operative 
movement is to make the lives of those who care to join better 
worth living — to make them more comfortable in their homes, in 
their work, and in their surroundings generally, and yet those 
people who most need its benefits are prohibited from obtaining 
them. 

Another reason is the want of loyalty of the member to his 
store. If the movement had the undivided allegiance of those 
who profess to be members of it, its chance of success in this 
direction would be greater. If we take the latest statistics 
relating to the movement, we find that in 1913 there were 
2,878,648 members of distributive societies, whose purchases 
for the year were £83,615,175, an average of just over £29 per 
member, or about lis. per week. When we take into account 
that the bulk of the members of societies are married and have 
families, lis. certainly does not represent a member's requirements 
for a week. Evidently, therefore, some of his requirements 
are purchased from outside sources. There must be some 
reason for this, and no stone should be left unturned in order 
to fathom it. Each society should be in a position to cat^er for 
all the requirements of its members.' Further than this, however, 

535 



The Cost of Living. 

there is a lack of loyalty to the C.W.S. and to co-operative 
productions generally on the part of societies' buyers. A very 
simple illustration will suffice to bring this home to the readers of 
this paper. We cannot get behind the figures published officially 
by the Co-operative Union, as they are very carefully analysed 
and extracted from returns sent in by the societies themselves. 
As I have previously pointed out, the sales of the distributive 
societies for 1913 were £83,615,175, of which goods to the value 
of £31,371,976 were purchased from the Co-operative Wholesale 
Society, £8,964,033 from the Scottish C.W.S. , and £3,710,234 
from the productive societies, making a total of £44,046,243. 
This amount represents of course the wholesale prices, and a few 
calculations will be necessary to arrive at the retail value of the 
purchases of societies through co-operative sources. For the sake 
of argument, we will take an average dividend of 3s. in the £, 
or 15 per cent., and working expenses Is. 6d. (average), or 7^ 
per cent., which, with interest on the share capital employed 
(£1,473,435), and interest on loans (£213,068), which were the 
actual amounts paid under these heads in 1913, makes a total of 
£11,596,907, which must be added to first cost to arrive at retail 
selling price. This works out at £55,643,150, and represents the 
retail value of the goods purchased by societies from co-operative 
sources — yet the total trade of the societies is £83,615,175. What, 
then, is the source of the trade represented by the balance of 
£27,972,025? If the Wholesale Societies are to control the 
markets in any way they must have the full support of the 
societies' buyers. From the figures quoted above it would appear 
that the distributive societies purchase not more than 66'54 per 
cent, of their requirements from co-operative sources. The balance 
of 33'46 per cent, is obtained from those who are in direct 
opposition to the movement. These figures speak for themselves 
and need no comment. It is obvious, however, that if members 
were more loyal to their respective societies and societies were 
more loyal to their own institutions the movement would, owing 
to its greater purchasing power, by means of concentration, have 
more control over prices than it has at present. Voluntary 
co-operation is, of course, the best thing wherever possible, and 
there can be no gainsaying the fact that it has worked very well up 
to the present, but the times are changing. Business is now 
conducted on quite different lines to what it was when the movement 
was first initiated. The stress of modern conditions demands 
different methods than were formerly in use. It is now the reign 
of large combinations of capital, and amalgamations are the order 
of the day. What is the co-operative movement going to do? Is 
it to keep pace with the times, or is it to go on in the same old way. 
until by force of circumstances it is crushed out of existence ? The 
C.W.S. is in a very peculiar position. It is the central distributing 
agency of the movement, but societies are under no compulsion 

536 



The Cost of Living, 

as to drawing their supplies therefrom. The members who attend 
the quarterly meetings of the C.W.S. and vote for the minimum 
wage, eight hours day, &c., are not always ready to back up these 
sentiments by means of increased purchases from the O.W.S. In 
the field of production, also, the hands of the C.W.S. are tied. 
It cannot extend its operations in this direction unless there is a 
demand which will warrant it doing so. The policy of the C.W.S. 
is to meet the demands of societies as far as possible, but it stands 
to reason that as a business concern it cannot enter into the 
production of any commodity unless and until it is sure of a 
market. The expense which would necessarily be involved is too 
great to admit of such experiments unless it had some guarantee 
that its efforts would be backed up. When it is seen how dependent 
is the C.W.S. upon the caprice of retail societies and their buyers, 
it will be readily understood how great would be the risk incurred 
in striking out in new directions. The movement as it is to-day 
is not the compact body which some of its adherents would like 
it to be. The spirit of commercialism is creeping in to the danger 
of the ideals of its founders. 

Much might be said on the subject of overlapping and its 
•consequent evils. Competition and co-operation are two widely 
different terms, and have nothing in common, and certainly there 
should be no competition within the movement itself. Co-operators 
must not lose sight of the fact that the ideals are the breath of the 
movement, and that commercialism is but a means to the end. 
What does the term "co-operation" really mean? It means the 
working together of all co-operators, and not the fragmentary 
<}o-operation of a few in one place and a few in another. To caiTy 
out the true principles of co-operation and to realise the ideals of 
the Pioneers the societies composing the movement must be more 
closely organised one with another; but how is this to be 
accomplished? To my mind there is but one way. The movement 
must take a leaf out of the book of its opponents and form a trust — 
a trust not for the few but for the many — a trust of and for the 
people. 

Eight years have elapsed since the late Mr. J. C. Gray, in 
his inaugural address at the Birmingham Congress, outUned his 
scheme for a "National Co-operative Society," which, though 
approved of by a few, was despised and rejected by the many. The 
opinion has been expressed by a few earnest co-operators who have 
the welfare of the movement at heart that the National Society, 
or something equivalent to it, will have to come if the movement 
is to hold its own in the future. If this is so, as — if one gives the 
matter careful thought, in view of the present tendency in every 
trade towards combination — would seem to be the case, then the 
sooner a move is made in this direction the better it will be. It 
is no use delaying the matter, lulling ourselves into a sense of 

637 



The Cost of Living. 

false security, to find when we awake that others have taken 
advantage of their opportunities and forestalled us. If the 
movement is to justify its existence it must be one of the first in 
the field. Since the scheme for a National Society was first 
inaugurated it has been discussed favourably and otherwise at 
conferences all over the country, and the chief objections seem 
to be the retention of half dividend and the fear that loss of 
local interest might follow from its establishment. Mr. Gray 
advocated the retention of half the dividend due to a member, 
which would be credited to his transferable share account. In 
the minds of some co-operators this appears to be the most 
objectionable feature of the whole scheme. But why? Surely 
co-operators are willing to stake something for their future 
happiness and well-being. Under the present system members 
might object to leaving half their dividend as share capital, but 
under the national scheme, if the true purport of the National 
Society were clearly brought home to them, the members would 
realise the advantages which would accrue to them as individuals 
by increasing the capital of the National Society. Each individual 
member would become a capitalist in a small way, and would at 
the same time be carrying out and helping forward true co-operative 
principles. The funds accumulated by the creation of these shares 
would be used in growing the raw material required for use in 
the co-operative factories. The money would thus be invested 
merely as a means of saving intermediate profits and ultimately 
reducing the cost of the finished article, of which the member 
would reap the benefit. The reduced prices which would follow 
from this would, to my mind, more than compensate the member 
for the retention of his dividend By leaving part of his dividend 
the member is simply "casting bread upon the waters," which 
would be returned to him manyfold. Why should there be any 
reluctance on the part of the co-operator to invest his money in 
his own concern, whether such investment be in the nature of 
cash deposited or as profits due ? He must be a capitalist in a way 
if his society is to succeed. A great many people would be only 
too glad to have a safe investment yielding 5 per cent, interest, 
and this is what the co-operator would be getting on any capital 
he had invested in the National Society. If he were wise he 
would leave not half but the whole of his dividend in the society, 
as by doing so he would be furthering his own interests by enabling 
his society to enter even more largely into the fields of production. 
The more capital invested in the National Society the more it could 
do in the way of production, and the more the movement can 
produce for its own consumption the cheaper will those commodities 
become. 

There is a good deal of prejudice against the nationalisation of 
the movement, on the ground that such a scheme would do away 
with local interest, and that the committees of societies would be 

638 



The Cost of Living. 

deprived of control. To a certain extent they might, although 
there would still be important duties for them to carry out; but to 
those who cannot or will not see beyond the limits of their own 
particular society I would point out this fact, that true co-operation 
cannot be parochial — it must be national and even world-wide. 
"Co-operation" must not be interpreted to mean that you and 
your particular friends shall work together for your own individual 
gain. Co-operation has an infinitely wider meaning than this. It 
means that men shall work together for the good of all men. To 
arrive at the true conception of co-operation it must be lifted out 
of the parochial into the national. If we cannot appeal to sentiment 
in the furtherance of these national ideas, we must endeavour to 
win over these people whose range of vision is so circumscribed 
by showing them the material advantages to be gained. 

The evolution of a National Society out of the multitudinous 
societies at present in existence would naturally be slow and 
gradual. It is as well this should be so, as the necessary 
organisation, to be perfect, must be of gradual growth. The 
question arises : how is it to be accomplished. The first step would 
be for the C.W.S. to take power in its rules to carry on a retail 
trade, not in competition with existing distributive societies, but 
to open out branches in isolated districts, where, owing to the 
poverty of the people or lack of initiative, co-operation is at present 
unknown. By this means the advantages of co-operative trading 
would be brought home to those people who might otherwise never 
have been reached. The amount of non-members' trade as 
ascertained from published statistics is under 2 per cent, of the 
total trade of societies, thus proving that the bulk of those people 
who commence to buy at co-operative stores very soon realise that it 
is to their advantage to become members and so get full dividend, 
rather than remain without the fold and be content with one-half 
of the profit which is paid to members. The extra dividend payable 
to a member soon makes up the share capital which it is necessary 
to hold. If people can be attracted to the shops they will soon 
become members, and once gathered within the movement it is 
for the movement to make them true co-operators. The main object 
is to get them to purchase at the store — the rest will follow. This 
is where the retail department would do good work, and there 
cannot be any doubt that the business thus carried on would be 
profitable. Several parts of the country, especially in agricultural 
districts, remain untapped by the movement. The requirements 
of the inhabitants are either supplied in the old-fashioned and 
totally inadequate way by the small village grocer, or are catered 
for by one of the big multiple businesses, which are out to make 
large profits, and certainly do not consider the consumer in any 
way. A strong retail department of the C.W.S. could enter into 
these fields of operation and show the consumer the advantages 
accruing from co-operative trading. By becoming a retail society 

539 



The Cost of Living. 

as well as a wholesale society the C.W.S. would become the 
nucleus of the National Society. Little by little those societies 
which perceived the advantages to be gained by amalgamation 
would amalgamate with the C.W.S. retail department, and become 
a branch thereof. The wholesale department of the C.W.S. would 
still be kept separate and distinct in order to supply the needs of 
both the independent societies and its own retail department. This 
would pave the way for the National Society, and when all societies 
had come into the combination the C.W.S. would change its 
name and constitution, and thus become a trust in itself, owned 
and controlled by those for whom it provided the necessaries of 
life, each individual member of the trust participating in the profits 
made by it, not, as is the case with the capitalistic trust, according 
to the amount of capital held by him, but on the amount of 
purchases which he had made. The advantages to the consumer 
who was a member of the trust would be enormous, as owing to 
the greater economies effected by means of concentration prices 
of commodities would be considerably reduced. There are at 
present 1,508 societies with probably 7,000 branch shops. All 
these shops would become branches or distributing agencies of the 
trust. The country would be divided into groups, and the goods 
would be distributed to each branch from depots established within 
those groups. In some cases, however, goods would be sent from 
the ports direct, and thus save needless expense in carriage. All 
goods sold in the branches would come from one source, i.e., the 
central authority, instead of from several sources as at present. 
All buying would be done from the centre, and the whole of the 
co-operative trade being focussed through one channel, better terms 
could be obtained from the producers, and in other directions great 
economies would be effected. The area covered by the operations 
of the National Society would be divided into districts, each district 
having representation on the central council or committee, which 
itself would be divided into sub-committees, dealing with the 
various phases of the business of the society. In order to maintain 
local interest each branch might elect a local committee from 
among its members. These local committees, who would naturally 
understand the requirements of the members dealing at their 
particular branches, would have a free hand in stocking their 
shops and also in managing all local affairs. They would carry 
on all propaganda and educational work in their district, having a 
certain sum allocated to them by the central committee for this 
purpose periodically. Also at certain periods of the year they would 
have power to send representatives to the general meetings of the 
National Society, which would take the place of the present annual 
Congress. The prices to be charged for goods, the appointment 
of all servants necessary for carrying on the business of the 
National Society, and matters of policy and finance, would be 
decided by the central authority, and the business, includiag the 

540 



The Cost of Living. 

buying and selling of goods, would be under its control. One 
of the most important features of the National Society would be 
that a fixed dividend would be paid to all members of the society. 
I would suggest an all-round dividend of not more than 2s. in the 
£, less if possible. Prices would be fixed on this basis, and any 
profit over and above the 2s. dividend would be used m furthering 
the society's interests. Share capital should have a fair return, 
and I would suggest that 5 per cent, per annum would be a 
reasonable rate. Each member of the National Society should hold 
at least one transferable shai^e of £1, which would not be 
withdrawable under any circumstances. The society would then 
be assured of at least as many pounds capital as it had members. 
Once the National Society is established on these lines, and 
with its continually accumulating capital, it could extend its 
operations in the field of production both in regard to the raw 
material and the various manufacturing processes. In course of 
time it would become both a "vertical" and "horizontal" 
trust, producing from the raw material through every process 
of manufacture to the finished article, and distributing such 
manufactures and productions through its own shops to the 
consumer, w'ho, under the co-operative system, is thus enabled 
to buy his commodities at actual cost price plus the cost of 
manufacture and distribution. The intermediate profits of the 
producer, manufacturer, agent, merchant, and middleman are thus 
eliminated, finding their way instead mto the pocket of the 
consumer, who would himself have fixed the price he has had to 
pay for his requirements. By this means he would have travelled a 
long way on the road towards solving the problem of the reduction 
in the cost of living, as he would be as near to the actual source 
of his requirements as it is possible to get. The sphere of activity 
of such a trust would be illimitable. It would feed, clothe, and 
probably house its members, and would find occupation for a 
considerable number of them. Under the present system individual 
societies have often to meet fierce competition and price-cutting 
on the part of the multiple shops, with the result that certain 
members are attracted to these shops for their purchases of one or 
two particular articles of which a speciality is made. The National 
Society would, with the immense resources at its command, be 
able to successfully meet these attacks, as there is no reason why it 
should not sell any commodity cheaper than any other combination 
could possibly do. If any branch of the National Society were 
attacked in this manner all the forces of the society would be 
behind that branch, which would make it an impossibility for any 
undercutting to succeed. If, as would seem to be the case, the 
establishment of a consumers' trust or National Society on the 
hues I have endeavoured to point out had the effect of reducing 
the cost of living all round, it would be the finest advertisement 
the movement has ever had or could possibly have. Consumers 

541 



The Cost of Living, 

generally would begin to realise how short-sighted they had been 
in providing enormous profits for those who manipulated the 
necessaries of life, when such profits might have been retained 
for themselves. The very fact that co-operation had been 
instrumental in reducing prices would be an incentive to those 
people to join the movement and to share in the advantages to be 
derived from co-operative trading. A great many people are lost 
to the movement because they do not know sufficiently about it, 
and in fact have not taken the trouble to inquire. The National 
Society would become such a force in the nation's affairs that the 
eyes of all would be opened, inquiries would be made, and increased 
membership would follow. As I have stated previously, they 
would be attracted by the material advantages to be gained from 
membership ; afterwards they could be imbued with the co-operative 
spirit. In support of this I would point out that in the first days 
of the war the fact that co-operative societies were in a position to 
keep prices down caused hundreds of people who had hitherto 
obtained their requirements from the private trader to apply for 
membership, as they recognised the superior position in which 
members of co-operative societies were placed in the crisis. The 
National Society, too, would give a fillip to co-operative 
productions. There appears to be a certain amount of prejudice 
against co-operative productions among some of the members. 
Why this should be so I cannot understand. The co-operative 
factories are the finest in the world, and the goods are manufactured 
under the most ideal conditions. Probably it is because co-operative 
productions are not well enough known on account of them not 
being brought into sufficient prominence. Possibly those who will 
not have co-operative productions have not tried them. They have 
been so accustomed to seeing advertisements recommending 
articles manufactured by certain firms, which advertisements 
have practically become household words, that they never think 
of trying anything else, acting upon the supposition that because 
those articles have been so extensively advertised for so many 
years nothing can be as good. A particular article has 
laecome so identified with the name of a particular firm that if a 
customer asks for that article he expects the article which has 
been manufactured by the firm in question. Now, we know that 
<30-operative productions are second to none, and so far as purity 
is concerned stand in the front rank. Therefore, it is the duty of 
co-operators to buy none but the productions of their own factories. 
Under the present constitution of the movement societies' buyers 
are not compelled to take co-operative productions, and there is no 
incentive to push them. With the National Society there would be 
no relying upon the goodwill of buyers. Co-operative productions 
would be placed in the branches for sale, brought prominently 
before the notice of members, sold at a proper price — probably 
cheaper than similar productions of the private trader (the fact of 

542 



The Cost of Living. 

the society producing for its own shops would enable this to be 
^one) — and a demand would thus be created. When the National 
Society reached its full development, producing raw material, 
manufacturing, and distributing, the prices of the finished articles 
would in most, if not all, cases be beyond competition, and as 
price is a considerable factor with most people (the quality of 
co-operative productions need not be .questioned) a considerable 
demand is likely to be created; in fact, although a bold statement 
to make, it might even be prophesied that ultimately none but 
co-operatively produced goods would be sold in the co-operative 
shops. And one of the advantages of nationalisation would be 
this : the necessity for exercising such great caution, as is the case 
at present, before entering into new fields of production would be 
done away with, as, instead of waiting for a demand, the National 
Society could create one, its market being assured. 

From whatever point of view one looks at the question it is 
bound to be conceded that the fullest advantages of co-operation 
can only be secured by amalgamation, with its resultant economies 
through prevention of overlapping, concentration of production 
and the centralisation of office work, buying, distribution, and 
financial arrangements. If, in place of the present aimless system 
of isolation, each unit were enrolled in one strong army — the 
National Co-operative Society — well posted, well organised, 
presenting a solid front to the enemy, how much better equipped 
would the movement be for withstanding all attacks and pushing 
forward towards increased prosperity and complete victory. There 
is collective wealth undreamed of among the working classes, and 
their savings, by complete combination, could be more effectively 
used in their fight against capitalism. By controlling the sources 
of supply and production the National Society would, with its 
assured market, have a decided voice in the settling of prices. It 
would be bound to make its influence felt, as it would be one of the 
largest trusts in the world — moreover, a trust with a soul, a trust 
composed of and for the benefit of the masses. 

The possibilities of the National Society are great — it is 
impossible to enter into them here — but how are the members to 
be aroused from their present apathetic attitude ? Here is a grand 
opportunity for those enthusiastic propagandists who are the leaven 
of the movement. The members must be educated to a sense of 
their responsibilities. It cannot be denied that in the early future 
co-operation will possess enormous opportunities of becoming the 
determining' factor in dealing with the all important question as 
to what the cost of living in this country shall be. \Yill 
co-operators, when the time arrives, make full use of such 
opportunities? The tendency towards industrial combination was 
never more apparent than it is to-day. It is not sufficient that 
co-operators should keep pace with the times ; they must do more 

543 



• The Cost of Living. 

than this if they wish to prove themselves worthy of the spirit 
which actuated the founders of their faith. It is necessary that 
co-operators should now take up the banner once carried by their 
forefathers, and become, as they were, the pioneers in the great 
army of industrial regeneration. By so doing they will show to 
the w^orld that is to be that they believe in co-operation in its 
fullest and widest sense, because it offers such possibilities, 
beneficial to all mankind, as the mind of man has never yet 
conceived. 




544 



The Handling and Transportation of the 
Canadian Grain Crop. 



BY EDWAKD PORRITT. 



THE Canadian grain year — ^the year that covers the transport 
and marketing of the crops of Manitoba. Saskatchewan, and 
Alberta— begins on September 1st' and ends on August 31st. 
It is fixed, Hke so much else in the economy of the grain trade of 
the prairie provinces, by the Dominion grain code — the enactments 
of Parhament that date back to 1S87, when the grain trade west 
of the Great Lakes had become too large to be handled without 
Government supervision and regulation. The navigation season on 
the Great Lakes, during which western grain is carried from Port 
Arthur and Fort Wilham, at the head of Lake Superior, to Buffalo 
or Montreal en route for London, Liverpool, Avonmouth, or 
Glasgow, usually begins about April 11th ano[ closes about 
December 5th, when the coming of winter makes navigation no 
longer possible. 

Each grain year, each navigation season, develops some new 
feature in the trade. For the year that ended August 31st, 1914, 
the m.emorable feature is the fact that it is the first year in which 
the Dominion Government, as well as the provincial Governments 
of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta were all embarked, at the 
instance of the grain growers' associations, in the handling and 
storing of grain. 

Canada is the most individualistic of the oversea dominions ; and 
also pre-eminently the part of the British Empire in which 
organised capital has the largest and freest opportunities, and 
receives the greatest amount of help from Government. There is 
a railway connecting St. John and Halifax with Montreal — a 
railway that was built as a condition of bringing New Brunswick 
and Nova Scotia into confederation in 1867 — that is owned and 
operated by the Dominion Government. It has always been 
operated at a loss, certainly to the extent that it has never earned 
interest on the capital cost; for the territory that it serves is 
thinly populated, and could not have carried a railway like the 
Intercolonial. But the Intercolonial, as it name implies, is a 
political railway ; and had it not been built and maintained by the 
Government the Maritime Provinces would not have been of 
confederation. The provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta, 

00 54o 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

actuated by the newer spirit of the west, as distinct from the 
conservatism of the provinces east of the Great Lakes, also own 
their telephone systems, and have made them pay. 

Generally speaking, however, all the public utilities in Canada 
that pay good returns on investments, such as railways, telegraphs 
and telephone lines, street cars, and gas and electric undertakings, 
have been reserved for private capitalists ; and until the Governments 
of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, and the Dominion 
Government, went into the business of storing grain, public 
ownership of public utilities in Canada had made no greater progress 
than it has done in the United States. In Eastern Canada — the 
part oi the Dominion that lies between the Great Lakes and the 
Atlantic Ocean — public ownership of public utilities has never 
gained any hold. That the principle has in the last four years 
made great progress in the prairie provinces, which have an 
individuality and a life of their own, is due entirely to the activities 
of the grain growers' associations, which in their political 
movements and enterprises are inspired by much the same spirit 
as has so long actuated the co-operative movement in the United 
Kingdom. 

In connection with the Intercolonial Eailway, the Dominion 
Government since 1898 has owned and operated storage and transfer 
elevators at Halifax and St. John. These elevators are used for' 
handling the comparatively small volume of grain that is exported 
from these Maritime Province ports, in the winter when no grain 
is moving eastward from Port Arthur and Fort ^Yilliam by the lake 
and canal route, and when there is no business at Montreal or 
Quebec because the St. Lawrence is closed by ice. Part of the 
general equipment of the western grain trade also includes elevators 
at lake ports in the province of Ontario — ports such as Midland, 
Port McNicoll, Depot Harbour, Tif&n, ColHngwood, and Port 
Colborne. During the navigation season grain is carried to these 
Ontario ports from Port Arthur and Fort William in steamers that 
are too large to pass through the canals which give access from the 
lakes to the St. Lawrence Eiver. 

By means of these elevators grain is transferred from the lake 
steamers to the Canadian Pacific and Grand Trunk Eailways 
for shipment to the elevators at Montreal, whence it is finally 
transferred to the ocean-going steamers which carry it to London 
or Liverpool. The Dominion Government has owned a large 
transfer elevator at Port Colborne since 1908; but from the 
beginning of the western grain trade ,in 1883 until 1910, when the 
Manitoba Government first ventured into the elevator business, the 
ownership of what are known as the line or country elevators — 
local elevators to which the grain growers send their crop — in 
Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, and of what are known as 
terminal elevators at Fort William and Port Arthur, was left to 
private capitalists or dividend-earning companies ; subject, however, 

546 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

since 1887 to some degree of oversight and control by inspectors 
of the Dominion Government charged with the administration of 
the fjrain code. 

Grain shipments from west of the Great I^akes began in 1883. 
At that time Manitoba, with a population of not more than sixty- 
three thousand people, was the only organised province between 
Lake Superior and British Columbia. The intervening prairie 
country, out of which in 1905 the provinces of Saskatchewan and 
Alberta were carved, was then known as the North- West Territory. 
There were few people in this territory. None of them in 1883 
were growing grain, either for shipment to millers in Ontario or 
for export to Great Britain ; and it was 1887, two years after the 
Canadian Pacific Eailway had been carried across the continent 




mm 

From the Farm to the Country Elevator. 

Jiy courtesy of 

Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Co. 

to Port Moody, British Columbia, before the entire western crop, 
including some grown in the North- West Territory, aggregated 
3,800,000 bushels. This was the volume of grain that passed 
through Winnipeg in 1887, the first year after Winnipeg had been 
made the inspection point under the Dominion grain code, and 
the year in which the present system of marketing gram on 
certificate of grade was established. 

The first shipments of grain from Manitoba were made in 1883, 
after the Canadian Pacific Railway had been carried westward from 
Port Arthur and Fort William to Winnipeg and Brandon. At this 
time there were no line elevators in the interior, and no terminal 
elevators at either Fort William or Port Arthur, where to-day there 
are twenty-one elevators with an aggregate storage capacity of 
forty-two million bushels, at which in the grain year 1912-13 

547 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

222,000,000 million bushels of wheat, oats, barley, and flax were 
handled. In 1883 the business of transporting grain eastward from 
the prairie country to Toronto and Montreal, partly by rail and 
partly by lake, was entirely new ; and no one who was then engaged 
in it — grain growers, grain dealers, or transport company officers — 
could have conceived the proportions the business was to assume 
after the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta had been 
organised, and the great inpouring of emigration had begun in 1906. 
Ordinary freight sheds were used at Fort William for the 
storage of the Manitoba grain crop of 1883 ; and when the pioneer 
lake grain carrier — the steamer Erin (Captain Sullivan) — took on 
her first cargo in the autumn of that year, some of the grain was 
carried to the steamer in bags, and the rest was hauled from the 
sheds to the boat in wheelbarrows. The first elevator was built 
at Port Arthur in the winter of 1883-4. It was known as King's 
elevator; it was of 350,000 bushels capacity, and went into service 
when the grain crop of Manitoba began to reach the head of the 
lakes in the autumn of 1884. To-day the twin cities of Port 
Arthur and Fort William — only three miles aparti — with their 
storage capacity of 42,000,000 bushels, form the second largest 
grain shipping centre in the interior of the North American 
Continent;"^ and in the first three months of the grain season of 
1913-14 — that is, in September, October, and November, 1913 — 
116,385 cars of grain were inspected at Winnipeg, and 112,492,000 
bushels were loaded into lake steamers from elevators at Fort 
William and Port Arthur. 

Almost from the time the first terminal elevators were built at 
the head of the lakes, and grain dealers began to build line elevators 
in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, the system of private 
ownership was unsatisfactory to grain growers. Their complaint 
against the line elevators was that they could not trust their 
management— that grain growers were cheated in weighing, that 
the rates of dockage and shrinkage were too high, and that they 
were the victims of other sharp practices. It was a conviction of 
many grain growers that the managers of line elevators were 
expected by the owners to make at least the amount of their salaries 
by sharp practices of one kind and another worked on the grain 
growers; and there was also a complaint of the absence of 
competition at most of the places from which grain growers had to 
ship their grain. 

Against the terminal elevator companies the grain growers 
complained that, despite the numerous Government officers 
constantly in attendance when grain is being received and shipped, 
grain of different grades was mixed, to the disadvantage of the 
growers and to the gain of the companies owning the elevators. 

* Chicago, where the aggregate storage capacity is 46,000,000 bushels, is 
the largest centre of the trade. 

548 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

These practices at the terminal elevators were long suspected, and 
in 1910 two grain companies operating elevators at the head of the 
lakes were proved guilty of them, and heavily fined in the police 
court at Winnipeg. 

In the early days of the grain business — between 1883 and 
1900 — the methods of the railway companies were also unsatis- 
factory to the growers. They complained in particular of 
favouritism in assigning . cars to men who were anxious to ship 
their grain to the head of the lakes, and also of the persistent 
refusal of the railway companies to provide loading platforms at 
stations. Platforms were demanded by the grain growers in order 
that they might be independent of the local line elevators. The 
line elevator companies were not favourable to loading platforms, 
because they had been encouraged by the railway companies to 
build elevators for the shipment of grain, and they felt that they 
were consequently entitled to all the business originating at the 
stations where the elevators were established. 

Amendments to the grain code made from time to time 
remedied some of these grievances of the grain growers against 
the railway companies, and the code was also tightened with a 
view to eliminating the practices at the Une and terminal elevators 
which were prejudicial both to the grain growers and to the 
reputation of western grain. The system of private ownership, 
however, still remained unsatisfactory; and just as soon as the 
grain growers' organisations acquired strength they began to work 
for pubhc ownership, and between 1908 and 1912 this movement 
was so successful that the Governments of the prairie provinces 
and of the Dominion were compelled to make concessions to it. 

Two of these Governments — that at Ottawa and that at 
Winnipeg — are Conservative in their political complexion. The 
provincial Governments of Saskatchewan and Alberta are Liberal. 
But most of the grain growers are electors; and as the grain 
growers' associations increased in strength and numbers, and as 
it became obvious that they were organisations of permanent 
character, their demands began to have weight with the provincial 
Governments, and also at Ottawa on all questions except those 
that arise out of the protectionist tariff or the movement for 
reciprocity with the United States. 

The grain growers' associations of the prairie provinces, which 
constitute to-day the most potent factor in the life of the country 
west of the Great Lakes, and the one organised democratic force in 
Canada to which the Dominion and provincial Governments must 
give heed, date back to 1901. On December 18th of that year 
grain growers met at Indian Head, Saskatchewan, and organised 
the first of the growers' associations. No sooner was the 
Saskatchewan Grain Growers' Association established than a 
similar organisation was created for the provmce of Manitoba. 

549 



• The Canadian Grain Crop. 

In Alberta there were two grain growers ' organisations — a branch 
of the American Society of Equity, estabUshed in 1903, and the 
Alberta Farmers' Association, which dated from 1905. Both these 
organisations prospered; and in 1909, after both of them had been 
for about a year affiliated through the Interprovincial Grain 
Growers' Council with the grain growers' associations of 
Saskatchewan and Manitoba, they were merged into one 
organisation, now known as the United Farmers of Alberta. 

The movement for the Interprovincial Grain Growers' Council 
began with the Alberta organisations. The Manitoba and 
Saskatchewan associations promptly gave it their support, and in 
the winter of 1909-10 all the prairie province associations joined 
the Canadian Council of Agriculture, which had been created by 
the granges and other farmers' organisations of the province of 
Ontario. 

The problems of the farmers of Ontario are not identical with 
those of the grain growers in the country west of the Great Lakes. 
The Ontario farmer is scarcely touched by the grain code that 
determines so much of the economy of the trade that is centred 
at Port Arthur and Fort William. His grain is not inspected 
and certified according to grade by officials of the Dominion 
Government as is the case with all the grain that passes through 
the elevators at the head of the lakes. The Ontario farmer also 
comes into very little contact with the elevator system, and lake 
and ocean freights do not affect him to anything like the extent 
to which they affect the grain growers of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, 
and Alberta. But tariff duties on farm machinery, hardware, 
lumber, cement, and other farm supplies affect the Ontario farmer 
quite as much as they affect the grain growers of the west; and 
since its establishment in 1910 the Canadian Council of Agriculture, 
representing farmers and grain growers in the wide area of country 
that stretches from the Ottawa Eiver to the Eocky Mountains, has 
been the most potent of all organised democratic forces that exert 
any influence on legislation at Ottawa. 

The aim of the movement that began in 1901 with the 
organisation of the Saskatchewan Grain Growers' Association was 

(1) to free grain growers from the exactions of elevator owners at 
interior shipping points, and also at Fort William and Port Arthur; 

(2) to relieve grain growers from the power of a combine which 
existed among grain buyers at Winnipeg; and (3) to work for 
lower railway rates from interior shipping points to the terminal 
elevators at Fort William and Port Arthur. 

In all three provinces there are local grain growers' associations, 
and in each province these local associations are federated in a 
central organisation, of which the president and the executive 
council are elected at a general provincial convention held each 
winter. The movement in all three provinces grew in strength 

550 




Dominion Government Terminal Elevator at port Arthur. 

courtesy of 

Canada Grain Commiision, Fort WilUavi. 




Country Elevators at Indl\n Head— Birthplace of Grain 
Growers' Movement— Saskatchewan. 

Jiy courtfsy of 

Canadian Pacific Railtcay Co. 



' The Canadian Grain Crop. 

as homesteaders went into the prairie country, and the acreage 
under grain was increased. By 1910 — a year memorable in the 
history of the movement for the many interviews which grain 
growers' associations had with Sir Wilfrid Laurier, when, as 
Premier, he made a tour of the west — there were 196 local 
associations in Manitoba, with nearly 9,000 members. In 
Saskatchewan there were 263 local associations with 6,000 
members; and in Alberta there were at that time 183 local 
branches of the United Farmers, with an aggregate membership 
of 8,500. 

East of Port Arthur nothing had been known of the grain 
growers' movement in the prairie provinces until the autumn of 
1905, when representatives of several of the associations appeared 
before the Tariff Commission at Winnipeg and Eegina to protest 
against a tariff with protective duties as high as those of the 
Dingley Tariff, which was being pressed upon the Dominion 
Government by the Canadian Manufacturers' Association. Nothing 
more was heard in Eastern Canada of the movement in the west 
until Sir Wilfrid Laurier made his tour of the provinces of 
Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and British Columbia in July 
and August of 1910, and was compelled by the pressure of the 
grain growers to accept the overtures for reciprocity that were 
made by President Taft in the winter of 1910-11. 

Politicians at Ottawa, and people in the east from Toronto to 
Halifax, then awoke to the fact that a new spirit was possessing 
and actuating the people of the west; that the west had demands 
that it was intent on pressing on Parliament; and that these 
demands were embodied in the programmes of the grain growers' 
associations. From 1910 onwards public attention has been riveted 
on the grain growers' movement to an extent without parallel in 
the history of the Dominion. Success has followed success. Some 
of these successes — as for instance those in connection with the 
public ownership of line elevators — have been achieved in provincial 
politics. They have been won at Winnipeg, at Eegina, and 
at Edmonton. Others, such as the impelling of the Laurier 
Government to commit itself to reciprocity, and of the Borden 
Government to the ownership of terminal elevators at Port Arthur, 
Port Nelson, and Vancouver, and storage elevators at Moose Jaw, 
Saskatoon, and Calgary, have been achieved at Ottawa. 

With these obvious successes in provincial and dominion 
politics, and with the continuous increase in the area under grain 
in the prairie provinces, that is the most beneficent of all the 
contemporary developments in Canada, there has come great 
increase in the strength of the grain growers' associations. At the 
end of 1914 they had an aggregate membership of 42,000; and in 
the Grain Growers' Guide, which was started in 1908, the grain 
growers' movement has the most effective journal of propaganda 
ever published in any of the oversea dominions. 

652 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

Only the successes of the grain growers' movement that directly 
affect the handling and marketing of grain can be followed in this 
article. The part the movement has had in reducing or preventing 
the increase of protective duties in the Dominion tariff, in making an 
end to bounties to the iron and steel industry (a system in existence 
from 1883 to 1911), and in forcing the Laurier Government in 
1911 back to the old position of the Liberal Party on the question of 
reciprocity with the United States, is of much interest in the 
political and economic history of the Dominion. 

It is more than interesting. It is inspiring, especially to 
students of contemporary Canadian politics, who are convinced 
that the day must soon come when democracy in Canada will 
re-assert itself; when democracy will count for something in the 
life of the Dominion at other times than on election day; when 
Canada will cease to be, with the sole exception of South Africa, 
the least democratic of all the English-speaking countries; and 
when the forces of organised capital will no longer have things so 
entirely their own way as they have had during the half century 
since confederation. But all this is part of the political and 
economic history of the Dominion, and here I am concerned only 
with the extent to which the Dominion Government, and three of 
the provincial Governments, have embarked in the handling and 
storage of grain as a direct result of the grain growers' movement 
that had such a small beginning at Indian Head in 1901. 

Public ownership of line and terminal elevators was advocated 
from the time the first association of grain growers was established. 
This question was unsuccessfully pressed upon the Royal 
Commission on the grain trade of 1906, and it was 1908 before 
any great headway had been made. In November of that year 
there was a conference at Regina between representatives of all 
the grain growers' associations and the Premiers of Manitoba, 
Saskatchewan, and Alberta, who at that time constituted an Inter- 
provincial Council. The request then made was that the provincial 
Governments should take over and operate all the line elevators. 
The Premiers — Messrs. Eoblin, Scott, and Rutherford — answered 
that the matter was not one that could be handled by the three 
provinces acting together, but that each province must decide upon 
its own policy. 

Sir R. P. Roblin, who has been Premier of Manitoba since 
1900. showed little disposition to comply with the grain growers' 
demand, and when the provincial legislature met at Winnipeg in 
January, 1909, he intimated that the legislature had no power to 
authorise the Government to take over elevators and operate them 
as public utilities. The grain growers' associations refused to accept 
this statement as final. In ordinary years the annual convention 
is held in January, but that for 1910 was called six weeks earher 
in order that the elevator question might be reconsidered before 
the provincial legislature met. The convention was held at 

553 



The Canadian Grain Crop 

Brandon in December, 1909, and while it was in session Sir E. P. 
Eoblin sent word that in the 1910 session of the legislature he 
would introduce a Bill providing for Government ownership of 
elevators and creating a commission to manage them. 

This quick change of front on the part of the Eoblin 
Government is easily explained. A general election for the 
province was approaching. It came in June; and, moreover, in 
the autumn of 1909 there had been a by-election, at which a 
Government candidate had been defeated by a nominee of the 
grain growers' associations. In the session of 1910 the Premier 
kept his promise. The Manitoba Elevator Act was passed. An 
appropriation was made for the purchase of elevators and for 
building others ; and a permanent commission, with three members, 
was subsequently named by the Government to carry the Act into 
effect. 

In the first year a little over one million dollars — $1,001,342 — 
was expended in buying one hundred and sixty-six elevators, 
building ten new elevators, remodelling some of those that had been 
acquired as going concerns, and organising the new system. The 
year of the Manitoba Elevator Commission necessarily coincided 
with that fixed by the Dominion grain code. It ran from September 
1st to August 31st, and in the year 1910-11 the commission 
incurred a loss of $84,000. This loss was reported to the 
legislature in March, 1912 ; and in July the Eoblin Government, 
which had never had any enthusiasm for Government-owned 
elevators, and which had already made a partial failure of operating 
a Government-owned telephone system, leased its one hundred 
and seventy-six elevators to the Grain Growers' Grain Company, 
of Winnipeg. 

As its name implies, this is an organisation of grain growlers — 
a co-operative organisation that came into existence in 1907 to 
help to free grain growers from conditions on the Winnipeg Grain 
Exchange of which serious complaint had been made when the 
grain growers' movement was started in Saskatchewan in 1901. 
The Grain Growers' Grain Company, which now handles more 
grain than any other grain company in Canada, operated the 
elevators during the grain years 1912-13, 1913-14, and 1914-15.* 

There is no feeling in Manitoba that the failure of the Eoblin 
experiment is a blow to Government ownership. There is no such 

* A net profit of $151,080 on the year's operations of the Grain Growers' 
Grain Company, being approximately 20 per cent., was announced at the 
annual meeting in Winnipeg yesterday by President Crerar. A 10 per cent, 
dividend was declared and the balance placed to the reserve fund. During the 
year the company handled thirty million bushels of grain. The Manitoba 
Government elevators, handled by the company, showed a profit for the first 
time of over four thousand dollars. The year was in all the most prosperous 
in the company's history. The export business has been reorganised and placed 
on a profitable basis. — Gazette (Montreal), November 5tli, 1914. 

554 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

feeling, because, as Miss Cora Hind, the grain expert of the Free 
Press, of Winnipeg, asserts in Industrial Canada for September,. 
1912: — 

The Manitoba scheme was never in any true sense a test of Government 
ownership. The commission had not a free hand in the buying of the elevators, 
and they were not free from Government interference at any time during the 
two years the system was in operation. The salaries paid the members of 
the commission were exorbitant, and the whole scheme was carried on in the 
most extravagant manner possible. The few elevators which were erected by 
the commission on plans approved by the Grain Growers' Association cost 
exorbitantly. In fact, to the casual layman looking on fiom the outside, it 
would seem as if it had been the fixed determination of Premier Eoblin, while 
granting the request of the farmers, to send "leanness into their souls." 

Although the elevators are held by the Grain Growers ' Company 
only on a short lease, it is inconceivable that they will go again into 
private hands, that there will be in Manitoba a reversion to 
conditions as they were before 1910." Complete abandonment of 
public ownership in Manitoba is inconceivable, because since 1910 
the Governments of Saskatchewan and Alberta and the Dominion 
Government have all been committed to public ownership of these 
public utilities; and conservative and reactionary as Manitoba 
obviously is in some aspects of its public life, it will not be 
permitted to side-step a movement in the economy of the grain 
trade which has made such extraordinary headway since 1908. 

The Governments of Saskatchewan and Alberta, unlike that 
of Manitoba, did not hesitate to accept the principle of public 
ownership of line elevators. They moved, however, with due 
deliberation, taking much counsel with the grain growers; and 
they finally adopted similar plans that have worked out much 
better than the hurriedly-adopted plan of the Manitoba Government. 
In the session of the Saskatchewan Legislature that followed the 
conference at Eegina between the Interprovincial Council and the 
representatives of the grain growers — the conference held in 
November, 1908 — a resolution was adopted in favour of public 
ownership. The grain growers of Saskatchewan and Alberta held 
their annual conventions in January, 1910, when there was an 
announcement from Mr. Walter Scott, w^ho has been Premier of 
Saskatchewan since 1905, that a Eoyal Commission was to be 

* New Co-operative Policy. — Secretary E. McKenzie, of the Manitoba 
Grain Growers' Association, addressed a meeting of the Valley River branch 
last Saturday evening on the subject of co-operation and collective buying. He 
explained the policy of the Grain Growers' Grain Company in relation to making 
their elevators a distributing centre in each community for the supplying of 
commodities that admit of carload shipment and also having the operator 
look after the shipment of all farm produce as soon as the Farmers' Market in 
Winnipeg gets properly established. He pointed out at length the possibilities 
for good to the agricultural classes involved in this policy, if properly developed, 
and emphasised the necessity of having strong organisations of farmers at 
each point so as to permit of the new enterprises of the grain growers' 
movement being made a success. — Graiyi Growers' Guide (Winnipeg), 
September 23rd, 1914. 

555 



• The Canadian Grain Crop. 

appointed to report on the best scheme for pubhc ownership ; and 
an announcement from Mr. A. C. Eutherford, then Premier of 
Alberta, that as soon as a satisfactory plan was submitted by the 
grain growers it would be accepted by the Government at Edmonton. 
The Saskatchewan Commission was at once appointed. Its 
chairman was Dr. Robert Magill, since 1912 head of the Dominion 
Grain Commission, but in 1910 professor of political economy at 
Dalhousie University, Hahfax, Nova Scotia. Dr. Magill's associates 
were Mr. George Langley, now Minister of Municipalities in the 
Government at Regina, but in 1910 prominent in the grain growers' 
movement ; and Mr. Fred W. Green, who was then as now secretary 
of the Grain Growers' Association of Saskatchewan. 

The commission reported at the end of October, 1910. Its 
report embodied an exhaustive survey of the conditions under which 
the grain of the province was at that time handled and marketed, 
including an examination of the charges long preferred against 
the line elevators, and also of the plan of Government ownership 
that had been adopted in 1910 by the province of Manitoba. The 
commission reported against the Manitoba plan, and urged that 
a solution of the elevator problem satisfactory to grain growers 
must give the grain growers full control of the system. 

Under the Manitoba plan local grain growers had no control 
and no responsibility for the success of an elevator after they had 
petitioned the commission to establish it. All the responsibility 
was carried by the Government. The Saskatchewan Commission 
was unanimous in holding that no elevator was likely to be a 
financial success unless a considerable number of grain growers 
had a direct personal interest in it and some responsibility for its 
success. The commission, moreover, agreed that the solution of the 
problem must be sought along the lines of co-operation by the grain 
growers themselves, assisted by loans from the provincial Govern- 
ment. They accordingly recommended that legislation should 
be enacted for the creation of a co-operative organisation of grain 
growers on the principle of the maximum amount of local control 
consistent with the ownership by the whole body of shareholders, 
and management through a central board of directors. The 
commission held that the managing body should be wholly 
elected by the shareholders, and should be free from interference 
from the Government. They recommended that shares in 
local elevator companies should be of the value of $50 each, 
with not less than 15 per cent, paid up, and that the maximum 
number of shares held by one person should not exceed ten. The 
shares subscribed in each local company should be equal to the 
cost of the proposed elevator ; and it was further recommended that 
the Government should furnish 85 per cent, of the cost on loan, 
secured by a mortgage on the elevator. 

*'It is the opinion of the commission," continued the report, 

556 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

"that the interest on the paid-up capital should be limited; and 
that if possible the profits of the company should be distributed on 
the co-operative principle, according to the business offered by each 
member to the company." The organisation of twenty-five local 
companies was recommended by the commission as necessary to 
the starting of the scheme; and it was further recommended that 
for purposes of preliminary organisation the executive committee 
of the Saskatchewan Grain Growers' Association should be 
the provisional directors of the central company, and that the 
Government should make a special grant to the executive committee 
to cover the expenses of organisation. The final paragraph of the 
report is as follows : — 

The commission are not opposed to the principle of public ownership of 
public utilities, but they consider that provincial competition with private 
companies in the matter of initial storage is subject to conditions which would 
invite failure, and that such a scheme in any case would be limited in the 
scope of the service it could do for the growers of grain. The commission 
would have little objection to an experiment by the province were it not for 
the fact that an experiment upon a large scale is being conducted by the 
province of Manitoba. If Saskatchewan would make an equally serious attempt 
to develop a co-operative solution of the problem, western farmers would soon 
be in a position to avail themselves of the best results of both experiments 
Both plans aim at removing initial storage from the ownership of companies 
interested in trading grain. The one plan aims at the ownership by the State 
and management by the Government, and the other aims at ownership and 
management by the growers of grain. Both plans recognise the strength of 
the feeling of injustice in the minds of many farmers, both seek to create 
conditions for the marketing of grain which will give the farmers confidence 
and satisfaction, and both involve financial aid by the State. The chief 
difference between the two plans is that in the one the issue is in the hands 
of the Government, while in the other it is in the hands of the farmers 
themselves, and to this commission, at all events, it appears that this difference 
is in favour of the co-operative plan. This plan avoids many of the risks and 
limitations of the other plans, and is pregnant besides with possibilites for 
the future. 

It had been understood from the time the commission was 
appointed that its report and recommendations were to be made 
before the end of 1910, so that they could be discussed at the 
annual convention of the grain growers of Saskatchew^an for 1911, 
and acted upon at the 1911 session of the provmcial legislature. 
The convention was in session on February 7th, Sth, and 9th. 
Over seven hundred delegates from local grain growers ' associations 
were in attendance, and the report of the Elevator Commission 
was under discussion for nine hours. 

The recommendations were not of the kind expected by a large 
number of grain growers, and a resolution was proposed which 
declared that in the opinion of the convention the finding of the 
commission is "not in accordance with the expressed wishes of 
the farmers of Saskatchewan, and that this convention is in favour 
of a system of Government-owned interior elevators." 

It was recalled by speakers who supported this resolution that 
at the annual convention at Weyburn in 1909, and at Prince 

557 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

Albert in 1910, the grain growers of Saskatchewan had unanimously 
voted in favour of Government ownership, and complaint was 
made that the Elevator Commission had not confined itself to 
schemes on municipal ownership lines. At this time — February, 
1911 — it was known that difficulties were attending the working 
of the Government line elevators in Manitoba, and that the 
undertaking was not succeeding. But advocates of Government 
ownership at the Eegina convention insisted that grain growers 
in Manitoba had not been taken into counsel when the Eoblin 
Government embarked in the venture, and that there were inherent 
weaknesses in the plan that made success doubtful from its 
adoption. The weakness most emphasised was that the Manitoba 
Elevator Commission was not endowed with power to buy and sell 
grain. 

It fell to Mr. George Langley to defend the recommendations 
of the Saskatchewan Commission. Speaking as a member of it, 
he declared that the commission had become convinced that it was 
not the business of the Government to market grain. That was 
one reason why it did not recommend straight Government 
ownership. iVnother reason was that it was apprehensive that 
politics might enter into the working of a Government-owned 
system of line elevators. The appointments to the Manitoba 
Commission, Mr. Langley stated, had been political. Politics, in 
fact, would inevitably enter into the working of a Government 
system. Ultimately, an amendment was moved accepting the 
report of the Magill Commission. It was carried by a large 
majority ; and in March, 1911, an Act was passed by the legislature 
incorporating the Saskatchewan Co-operative Elevator Company 
Limited on the lines recommended by the commission. 

The Bill before being read a first time in the legislature was 
submitted to the executive committee of the grain growers' 
association. Amendments were then suggested, one of which 
extended the powers of the elevator company to enable it "to do 
all things incidental to the production, storing, and marketing of 
grain." This was an enormously wide extension of its powers, 
but the amendment was accepted by the Government and embodied 
in the Act. The provisional board of directors was organised as 
soon as the Act had received the Eoyal Assent. Agents were 
appointed to sell shares, and by July 6th, 1911, forty-six locals 
had been established, and 8,000 shares had been taken up by 2,580 
grain growers. 

, Types of elevators were next determined' upon by the board of 
directors, and between July and November forty elevators were 
erected. Six elevators were purchased, and by the end of 1911 
forty-six elevators were in operation. Careful weighing and 
separate binning were conditions long sought by grain growers, 
and in deciding on the type of elevator the directors were careful 
to secure these two conditions. 

558 






The Canadian Grain Crop. 

The elevators built by the company in 1911 and subsequently 
ire of two sizes rather than two types. The thirty-thousand bushel 
type contains fourteen car-load bins — bins that will hold two 
thousand bushels of wheat or a little over one thousand bushels 
of oats ; two bins of two car-load capacity ; and two of four car-load 
capacity. In the forty thousand bushel elevators there are sixteen 
car-load bins, four two car-load bins, and two large bins for what 
is known as street wheat — wheat that is sold from the farm 
wagon at place of shipment, as distinct from wheat stored by the 
growers in local elevators, and then sent to the terminal elevators 
at Fort William and Port Arthur after inspection and grading by 
officers of the Dominion Grain Commission staff at Calgary or 
Winnipeg. Gasoline engines are used as power for working the 
elevator legs, legs with a lifting capacity of two thousand bushels 
an hour; and also for working the cleaning machinery by which 
grain can be screened at a rate varying from 1,250 to 2,500 bushels 
an hour according to the arrangement of the screens. In each 
elevator there are machines for w^eighing the grain as it is received 
and as it passes out again into the railroad cars. 

Forty-six elevators built on these plans were in service when 
the Saskatchewan crop of 1911 was on its way to market; and 
when the directors made a report to the grain growers' convention 
at Eegina on February 14th, 1912 — made to the association as the 
parent of the co-operative elevator company — they stated that two 
million bushels of grain had already gone through the company's 
elevators. From its inception the company used the power to 
purchase grain conferred on it by its charter; and it was reported 
to the Eegina convention of 1912 that of the two milhon bushels 
received at the elevators in the first five months of the grain year 
1911-12, about half had been purchased and the other half specially 
binned for the growers. 

Owing to adverse conditions that characterised the crop of 
1911, there w^as a greater diversity of grades than in normal years. 
These conditions made difficulties for the new company, but in 
spite of them it was claimed by the directors that it had been able 
to exert a good influence — from the grain growers' point of view — 
on the price paid for grain at many places in Saskatchewan. "Not 
only has it been able to pay higher prices for grain of the poorer 
qualities than w'as ever paid before," continued the report, "but 
it has also been the means of higher prices being paid by its 
competitors, who certainly do not allow themselves to be overbidden 
by the company." 

It had been objected in the years from 1908 to 1910 that grain 
growers would not support a line elevator owned and managed on 
a co-operative basis. The directors recalled these objections, and 
added that so far as their experience had gone shareholders had 
been loyal to the co-operative elevators in spite of tempting bait 
held out by competing elevators in the form of higher prices, higher 

559 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

grades, or reduced handling charges. "The grain growers know," 
continued this part of the report, "that if our competitors offer 
better terms than our own company can they must be recouping 
themselves by means of some of the time-honoured methods with 
which all farmers are familiar from past experience." 

Finally, at this convention in Eegina in February, 1912, which 
witnessed the realisation of an ideal for which Saskatchewan grain 
growers had been working since the epoch-making meeting at 
Indian Head in 1901, there was an appeal from the elevator 
company to the grain growers to do their part in making the 
company a success. It read: — 

The company was created to give practical e^ect to a special ideal in the 
work of marketing grain. This ideal, briefly, is entirely to eliminate the 
unnecessary profits of the middleman b}^ the establishment of a farmers' 
company, so organised as to enable the farmer to preserve the identity of his 
own grain until it reaches the market, and at the same time capable of being 
extended over the whole province along co-operative lines. Into such a business 
two factors are bound to enter, the commercial and the ideal; the commercial 
factor emphasising the necessity of making the business succeed financially in 
order that the financial interests upon which the company relies for credit to 
conduct its business may not be antagonised. This factor, if unduly developed, 
would tend towards making the company merely a dividend producer for the 
sake of its shareholders, and would reproduce in another form the very evil it 
was intended to destroy. The best way to prevent such an undesirable outcome 
is to foster the other factor, the ideal which brought the company into 
existence, and is, in fact, its most vital force. The most effective method of 
keeping this ideal in its proper place in the development of the company is to 
maintain the closest and most friendly relations between the company and 
the grain growers' association. In this matter the association can render a 
distinct service to the company, and the company bhould undoubtedly be able 
to render an equally valuable service to the association by means of the 
important practical information it will be able to supply regarding the various 
problems connected with the marketing of our grain. The association, then, 
has its great work of organisation, education, and agitation; and the company 
the equally great work of giving practical effect to the commercial and 
co-operative ideals of the association, both institutions being branches of ono 
united farmers' movement, having for its object the social and economic uplift 
of the farming industry. 

The response from the grain growers in Saskatchewan to this 
appeal of February, 1912, has been generous. Members have 
more than trebled in numbers since the first report was made to 
the Eegina convention, and they have been continuously loyal to the 
co-operative idea. In the first year there were, as has been stated, 
forty-six locals, and 3,261,000 bushels of grain were handled at 
the company's elevators. In 1912-13 there were 140 elevators, 
through which 13,000,000 bushels of grain were passed; and in 
the grain year 1913-14 — the year which ended on August 31st 
last — there were 192 co-operative elevators, from which 22,000,000 
bushels of grain were started eastward on the way to market. 

The company's charges for services at the elevators, and for 
the sale of grain, are the same as those of the privately-owned 
elevators and grain commission men. Users of the elevators are 

560 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

generally shareholders, to whom since 1912 dividends have been 
j3aid at the rate of 6 and 8 per cent. Shares of the value of 
$1,514,350 had been issued up to the end of July, 1913, of which 
amount 15 per cent had been paid up. The loans from the 
provincial treasury, advanced under conditions defined in the Act 
of 1911, amounted to $1,311,253. So far the company's service 
has ended at the head of the lakes. It is, however, considering a 
plan for carrying grain right through from Saskatchewan to London 
and Liverpool, and its directors are hopeful that by this extension 
of its operations it may secure for the grain growers some part of 
the price that now goes to middlemen. 

Mr. Alexander Eutherford was Premier of Alberta in 1910 
when the pledge was given to the United Farmers that as soon as 
they could agree on a plan for public ownership of line elevators 
the Government would enact legislation to carry it into effect. 
Early in 1912 Mr. Arthur L. Sifton succeeded Mr. Eutherford as 
Premier. The new Government at Edmonton was quite ready to 
fulfil the pledge that had been given to the grain growers ; and in 
the session of 1913 an Act was passed incorporating the Alberta 
Co-operative Elevator Company Limited, with the executive board 
of the L'nited Farmers as provisional directors. 

The Act follows in almost every detail the lines of the 
Saskatchewan Act, and is quite as wide in scope as the measure 
under which the Co-operative Elevator Company of Saskatchewan 
was organised. The Alberta company is given power to construct, 
purchase, or lease line elevators — sometimes described as country 
elevators to distinguish them from storage, terminal, or transfer 
elevators — and also to buy and sell grain, and deal in all 
commodities required by grain growers. In the charter there is 
also a clause which provides that the company may distribute 
profits in accordance with the co-operative principle, after 8 per 
cent, dividends have been declared on the paid-up capital stock. 

Twenty locals had to be organised before the Act could go into 
effect. It was July, 1913, before this number was secured; but 
when the year ended, and the first annual meeting of the company 
was held at Calgary on August 19th, 1913, the directors were able 
to report that forty-six locals had beisn established, and that there 
were then 3,500 shareholders. At this time all the elevators were 
in building; but when the United Farmers held their annual 
convention in January, 1914, it was reported that fifty locals had 
been organised, that there were 5,230 shareholders, and that all 
the elevators then in service were doing a good business. 

There was some discussion at this convention of the practicability 
of applying the Eochdale principle of co-operation to the handling 
of grain, as well as to the merchandising business to be done by 
the Alberta Elevator Company. Mr. E. J. Fream, the secretary- 
treasurer, in recalling discussions on this question at meetings of the 
board of directors, stated that, while they strongly approved of the 

rp 561 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

application of the principle to all departments of the business, 
they found that to apply it to grain handling would require so 
much bookkeeping that all the profits would be used up in deciding 
which grain grower patrons of the elevators were entitled to them. 
Mr. Fream continued: — 

The first principle of the co-operative distribution of profits, as it was 
applied in England, was that a reasonable interest should be given to the 
investor on bis capital. The Act incorporating the company provided that not 
more than 8 per cent, should be paid, which he considered was reasonable in 
Alberta. Then a reserve fund had to be created to provide against possible 
future losses. This was also required by the Act. The third principle was 
that the remaining profits should be divided among the patrons in proportion 
to the business done. That was a good principle, and the company proposed 
to put it into practice with regard to other lines of goods. But so far they 
could not see how it could be done in connection with grain. There were 
eight different ways in which the company handled grain — purchasing by 
wagon load, handling through specific bins, storing on grade certificate, 
consigning on commission, buying on track, and so forth. So far no scheme 
had been devised which would enable the distribution of profits on the basis 
of patronage, when so many different methods were employed; but if anyone 
could devise such a scheme that would not entail an unreasonable amount of 
bookkeeping he would be glad to recommend its adoption to the directors of 
the company. 

By the end of the grain year 1913-14 — the year that ended on 
August 31st, 1914 — the number of locals in Alberta, each with 
an elevator, was eighty-two. There were then 7,900 shareholders 
in the Grain Growers' Elevator Company, and during the grain 
year four million bushels of wheat, oats, barley, and flax had 
gone through the company's elevators. 

It will already have been inferred that public ownership line 
elevators in Manitoba, and co-operative elevators in Saskatchewan 
and Alberta, are in competition with line elevators owned by grain- 
dealing companies. As yet, and as must be the case for some years 
to come, public elevators are greatly outnum.bered by elevators 
worked on the old system that had its beginnings in Manitoba in 
the later eighties of last century, when the railways would not 
build country elevators, but sought to give a monopoly to capitalists 
who had embarked in a business that should never have been 
permitted to go into private hands. It should not have gone into 
private hands, because the line elevators, through which grain is 
transferred from the growers' wagons to railway cars, are nearly 
as essential to the transport of grain as are the railways over which 
it is carried from the prairie country to the head of the lakes at 
Fort William and Port Arthur. During the grain year 1913-14, of 
the 698 line elevators in Manitoba 176 were owned by the 
provincial Government and operated by the Grain Growers' Grain 
Company. Of the 1,246 elevators in Saskatchewan — the largest 
of the grain growing provinces — 192 were co-operative elevators ; 
while of the 321 in Alberta 82 were of the co-operative system that 
was established as recently as 1913. 

562 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

The grain growers had brought the Governments of the prairie 
provinces into hne on public ownership of country elevators before 
they began their short and successful campaign for public 
ownership of terminal elevators at Fort William and Port Arthur. 
Geographically these cities are of the prairie provinces. They are 
at the gateway to the west. Politically they are of the province of 
Ontario, which stretches from the Ottawa Eiver to the Lake of 
the Woods. But the grain growers never contemplated the 
ownership of terminal elevators by the Ontario Government. They 
have no connection with the Government at Toronto; and from 
as early as the winter of 1906-7, when the Ptoyal Commission on 
the grain trade was in the west, their demand was that the terminal 
elevators at the head of the lakes should be taken over by the 
Dominion Government, and that the Dominion Government should 
build similar elevators at Port Nelson, the terminus of the railway 
now in building that connects Le Pas, Manitoba, with Hudson's 
Bay ; and also at Vancouver, which must become an important grain 
port as soon as the Panama Canal is open. Large storage elevators 
were also desired by the grain growers at Calgary and other interior 
points, at which grain could be held when there is pressure on the 
railways or at Fort W^illiam and Port Arthur, and during the winter 
when navigation is closed and only small quantities of grain are 
being moved eastward over the Canadian Pacific to St. John. 

The demand of the grain growers that the Dominion Government 
should go into the business of storing and handling grain was first 
made in the summer of 1910, when Sir Wilfrid Laurier was on a 
political progress through the prairie provinces. It was pressed 
upon him by deputations from grain growers' associations at every 
stopping place in the seven hundred and fifty miles of railway 
journey from Winnipeg to Calgary ; and again on December 16th, 
1910, when a deputation of five hundred grain growers from the 
country beyond the Great Lakes waited on the Premier at Ottawa. 
Three hundred farmers of Ontario, members of granges or kindred 
organisations, were also of this deputation, which had been 
organised by the Canadian Council of Agriculture, and was so large 
that the only hall in which it could be received was the Chamber 
of the House of Commons. 

The resolution submitted to the Premier at Ottawa had been 
drawn up by the Council of Agriculture. It declared that the 
council was convinced that terminal elevators as then operated 
were detrimental to the interests of both producer and consumer, 
and that it accordingly requested that the Dominion Government 
should acquire and operate as a public utility, under an independent 
commission, the terminal elevators at Fort WiUiam and Port 
Arthur, and immediately establish similar terminal facilities on the 
Pacific Coast, provide the same facilities at Hudson's Bay when 
necessary, and also provide such transfer and other elevators as 
were necessary to safeguard the quality of export grain. 

563 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who has never been favourable to 
Government ownership and operation of public utilities, was 
cautious in reply. He said: — 

We have always understood that in the west ideas are far more radical 
than they are in the east. I do not complain of this, but simply place it as a 
basis of fact. The resolutions you have put before us are certainly impregnated 
with the western spirit. Nor do I believe that the farmers of the east are 
prepared to go quite so far as you gentlemen of the west. You are in favour, 
as I understood, of the Government ownership and operation of all public 
utilities — of railways, abbatoirs, and elevators. As to this I have nothing to 
say at present. The idea may perhaps be a good one. I understand that you 
have started a campaign of education, and perhaps I may be the first to be 
educated in that respect, because up to this time I have not been an absolutely 
ardent supporter of Government ownership and operation of all public utilities. 
To Government ownership I may be persuaded ; to Government operation I 
may be persuaded also, but with greater difficulty. In this I am a man of 
the east. 

Parliament was in session at the time the deputation of 
December 16th — the largest and most representative deputation 
that ever waited upon Ministers at Ottawa — laid its case before 
Sir Wilfrid Laurier; and later in the session — February 17th, 
1911 — the grain growers' case was brought before the House of 
Commons by Dr. F. L. Schaffner, a Conservative member from 
Manitoba, who moved a resolution in favour of Government 
ownership. Dr. Schaffner reminded the House that, notwith- 
standing the fact that the Government employed ninety-five 
inspectors at the head of the lakes, at salaries aggregating $61,000 
a year, to prevent sharp practices, degrading of grain had been 
extensively carried on. He was convinced that, even if there were 
five hundred Government inspectors, mixing of grain could not be 
prevented so long as elevators were in the hands of companies 
making a profit out of them. 

On a party vote the resolution was defeated. There was, 
however, at this time — February 17th — a Government Bill before 
the Senate amending the grain code, in which there was a clause 
providing that the Governor-in-Council might authorise the Minister 
of Trade and Commerce to construct, acquire, or expropriate any 
terminal elevator, if Parliament had granted money for the purpose. 
This was as far as the Laurier Government was prepared to go in 
1911, and the Bill failed for lack of time. In September the 
Liberals were defeated at the general election on the Eeciprocity 
Bill, and in October the Borden Government came into power. 

It was obvious when the Eeciprocity Bill was before the House 
of Commons that the Conservative Party would force the 
Government to go to the country on this issue. Mr. Borden (now 
Sir E. L. Borden) then made a political tour of the prairie provinces, 
as Sir Wilfrid Laurier had done in the previous summer. He was 
waited upon by many deputations from grain growers' associations ; 
and at Brandon, Manitoba, on June 21st, 1911, he committed 
himself and the Conservative Party to the principle of Government 

564 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

ownership and operation of terminal elevators. He said to the 
^rain growers' deputation: — 

It seems to me that Government control and operation of the terminal 
elevators is the only effective means of putting an end to the grievances of 
which you farmers have complained. We are prepared to stand for that. I 
realise that it is a tremendous step, and one that may subject me and those 
of the Conservative Party who stand with me to some criticism and opposition. 
Yet I think the principle involved and justice to the western farmer will 
warrant us in taking that progressive step. 

At Eed Deer, Alberta, and other places, Mr. Borden was 
equally sympathetic in his replies to the grain growers' memorials ; 
and in his manifesto of August 14th, 1911, issued after the 
dissolution of Parliament, he pledged his party to the ownership 
and operation of terminal elevators by the Dominion Government. 
During the campaign candidates in the western provinces were 
called upon by the grain growers for pledges in favour of 
Government ownership ; and soon after the Conservative 
Government took office the Dominion Millers' ^Association met 
in Toronto — December 14th, 1911 — and 3dopted a resolution urging 
the new Government to fulfil the pledges made by Mr. Borden, 
and thus to make an end to the "advantage elevator owners now 
have over all other grain interests." 

Provision for Government elevators was made in the new" 
Grain Act of 1912, by w^hich the Dominion Grain Commission 
was created; and while the Borden Government did not see its 
way to buying out all the public elevators at the head of the 
lakes, as the grain growlers and millers had urged it to do, it 
made a contract in the summer of that year for the building of an 
elevator at Port Arthur, which went into service on October 16th, 
1913. The new elevator has a capacity of 3,250,000 bushels. 
Additional units can be added as business demands. There is also 
room on the site for railw^ay sidings and wharfage for an elevator 
of 10,000,000 bushels capacity. The largest elevator as yet at the 
head of the lakes — that of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway 
Company — is of six million bushels capacity. 

The Government elevator, like all the large elevators erected 
at the head of the lakes since 1910, is of reinforced concrete. It 
is equipped to receive twenty cars of grain at a time. On an 
average it takes half an hour to unload a car of grain, so that 
forty cars an hour can be handled at the elevator. The wharf, 
at which two of the largest grain carriers can be loaded at once, 
is 1,200 feet long. The normal loading capacity into steamers is 
about 75,000 bushels an hour. The working house, where the 
grain is transferred from the cars, where it is weighed and cleaned, 
and whence it is transferred to steamers or railway cars for its 
journey eastward, towers 185 feet above the level of the harbour. 
The bins are circular. There are seventy-five of them in the 
working house, each of 7,000 bushels capacity. In addition, there 

565 



The Canadian Grain Crop. 

are fifty-six interspace bins of 3,000 bushels capacity. In the 
storage house there are seventy circular bins, each 24 feet in 
diameter and 90 feet high, with a capacity of 30^000 bushels, 
giving a total capacity on the storage side of 2,500,000 bushels. 
The total capacity of working house and storage house is thus 
3,250,000 bushels — equal to 1,625 car loads of wheat. 

From October 16th, 1913, to March 5th, 1914, a little over 
seven million bushels of grain were handled at the new elevator; 
and on' March 13th, when the vote for the Dominion Grain 
Commission- came before the House of Commons, Sir George E. 
Foster, Minister of Trade and Commerce, made his first statement 
on the Government's experience in operating a large terminal 
elevator. He said: — 

The operation of the elevator has been about as nearly perfect as the 
operation of an elevator could be. Government operation has been of service 
to the whole grain business, because the Government and its officers have got 
that knowledge with regard to actual operation that they never could have 
got by the supervision of an elevator owned and operated by someone else. It 
has enabled the Grain Commission and the Government officers, by being on 
the inside of the operations, to get a knowledge of them that they did not 
possess before. That knowledge is not only good in itself, but it is valuable 
as a means of checking other elevators that are under the supervision of, but 
are not owned and operated by, the Government. It is safe to say that the 
Government never could absolutely control the whole situation until it went 
back alongside the farmer, and took possession of all the means of storage and 
transit of grain from the country elevator clear to the other side of the ocean, 
where the grain finds a market. The whole matter of Government elevators, 
internal and terminal, and the operation of these elevators, is in the experimental 
stage. We are putting our money into it, and a good deal of brains and a 
good deal of application, in order to see how it will work out. It may not 
succeed to the extent of fulfilling the anticipations of all its farmer friends, 
but I am certain that it will succeed so far as to establish itself as a beneficent 
force in the operation of the Grain Act. 

Western members who are in sympathy with the movement of 
the grain growers' associations for Government ownership and 
operation of all public elevators pressed Sir George Foster as to 
how far the new policy of the Government was to be extended. 
The Minister of Trade and Commerce answered : — 
At present it is the intention to test the matter of Government terminal 
elevator operation at the head of the Great Lakes, to test the system of internal 
storage elevators at certain strategic points in the west, and to test the terminal 
situation at Hudson Bay and o